AFSPA As I See It

By Wg Cdr G Baruah ( Retd) On a fateful date of 22 May 1958,… more »

By Wg Cdr G Baruah ( Retd)
On a fateful date of 22 May 1958, Parliament of India passed a draconian law called the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Sections 4 and 5 of the ordnance give sweeping powers to the Officers, Warrant Officers and Non Commissioned Officers of Indian Army and Indian Air Force. Simply stated; these are:-

a) Fire upon any one that you suspect to have instigated disturbance

b) Use required force to arrest the perpetrator of disturbance and take possession of the man. No arrest warrants are required.

c) Death; if caused to the suspected person/persons in the process of apprehending him/them cannot be tried in terms of the proviso of the clause of `men slaughter` of the Indian Penal Code.

d) Neutralise the arms and ammunition Depot from where the persons causing the disturbance are suspected to be supplying arms and ammunitions to create disturbance. No prior permission from civilian authority is required for this.

e) Carry out search operation of premises to find out the suspected fugitives, arms and ammunitions. For this, no search warrant is required

f) Hand over the apprehended persons to the nearest police station with the shortest possible delay. The `shortest` is not defined.

Till 1972, the Governors of the states could declare a particular area or the entire state as disturbed area which could pave way for implementation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in J&K, and the North Eastern States. By an amendment, the power to declare an area or a state as disturbed area has been taken over by the Central Government.

This law was enforced in Jammu and Kashmir, whole of Assam and Union Territory of Manipur in 1958. It is still in vogue in the states mentioned.

The manner Manipur King Hijam Irabot was subjugated by VP Menon; an emissary of Government of India in 1949 and the way Manipur was ceded to Indian dominion gave rise to various organisations which gave vent to their feelings with violence. It still continues.

The law was enforced with a lot of vigour in Assam in 1990 to counter the ULFA and other Terrorist Organisations. Currently it has been extended to one more calendar year i.e. up to 24 Dec 2012 in Assam.

I suppose, there was a necessity of the law immediately after independence of the country from the British rule to safeguard the sovereignty and integrity in the western and the eastern parts. After Raja Hari Singh ceded Kashmir to India and when Phizo was firm in his demand of a sovereign Nagaland; Government of India invoked the provision of the act to suffocate the uprising by using Army.

There is a lady named Irom Sharmila of Manipur who is on a fast unto death on this issue. We shall come to that later on. Before that; I would like to dwell upon another draconian law.

The personnel of the three services enjoy a blanket cover as far as the application of legal procedures is concerned. They are covered by another amenity of law; they are subject to concurrent jurisdiction.

The concurrent Jurisdiction enables a soldier to seek justice through the armed forces courts which are known as Court Martial. The offences where a soldier is not subject to concurrent jurisdiction are rape, murder and culpable homicide not amounting to murder.

Section 69 of the Army Act classifies the offences in four categories. These are:-

a) It is not an offence as per the civil law but created for the first time as an offence in Army Parlance

b) Cases which are recognised as offences in both Civil and Army Law

c) It is an offence in civil, but by a legal fiction made to be under Army Law

d) It is an Offence in civil, but same is not included amongst Army Act proviso as an offence either by definition or fictionally

In terms of Act 48 of Army Act 1950, the offences falling under first instance can be tried only by a court martial, the offences in the categories of second and third can both be tried by a criminal court as well a military court and the last instance is tried only by the Civil Criminal Courts.

You may ask; why did I bring out the AFSPA along with Concurrent Jurisdiction?

I have a reason for bringing out the concurrent jurisdiction while dealing with the AFSPA.

Firstly, let us browse through the following:-
a) Let my fraternity; the three services; not take this write up of mine, as umbrage. I have been a member of the armed force for better part of my life. I value the bonhomie, the camaraderie and the sense of belonging. But I am a human being and after hanging my uniform, I live in a society called the Assamese Society. I take it as my duty to dispel the wrong notions about a draconian law called the AFSPA clubbed with the Concurrent Jurisdiction. Lot of people think that they have done sufficiently enough by giving the personnel in uniform the canteen facilities with the added VAT and by hiking the salaries of the soldiers almost at par with the civilian counterparts.  Out of the lot, there are many; particularly those; who matter, forget that there were lives lost while defending the country in the wars that we fought in 1962.1965, 1971; while upholding the sanctity of the Parliament, in the War for Kargil, not to speak of the people who lost their lives as member of the Indian Peacekeeping Force . Lot of people who lost their lives in the Mumbai Carnage along with the civilians were the uniformed people.

b) We do not do anything more than remembering the martyrs on the Vijay Divas. We have already forgotten the departed soldiers of Kargil. `Op Pawan` was not in my wish list. But personnel donning the Olive green, Sky Blue and White were deployed in Jaffna, Mulaitivu and other Sinhalese places. Lot of them perished.

c) Does anybody anytime think of the guys in mufti standing erect on the high ways, in deep jungles and in difficult terrain with a gun under his arm for long periods in the hilly terrains of Jammu and Kashmir and the North East? How long could be the period that these guys are made to keep standing looking at nothing? God knows!  And he also must have a life, a family. He certainly must have his share of problems. He also must have his aspirations and he must also be thinking of some inspirations from somewhere!

d) My heart is with my uniformed friends. But heart alone does not make the complete picture.

While saying that, I would ask you to think of the parade of the ladies wearing nothing in Manipur when one Manorama Devi was gang raped and killed by the soldiers. Think of the cases of missing ULFA cadres after the `Operation All Clear` of Bhutan. Irom Sharmila is only a tip of the ice berg. There would be hundreds of Irom Sharmila if the draconian laws are not amended or repealed. I understand, we require strong laws to protect the hands of the law enforcing agencies, but I suppose, the laws are enacted for the people at large. If the people are not satisfied, what is the meaning of a law?

Let me dwell upon the affected people under the garb of the AFSPA in the North East in Nutshell.

There is a village called Oinam in Manipur. Ask the villagers what the Army did to their girls and women on a fateful evening of 1987. The date and time is just irrelevant now.

There was mayhem and gang rape carried out by the uniformed personnel in Uzan Maidan of Tripura in 1988. This was done when the Governor declared the state as a disturbed area and AFSPA was invoked. The State Government opposed the declaration!

The terror let loose during `Op Rhino` in Assam left scores maimed, killed and incapacitated.

Ukhrul, a town in Manipur was mortared in 1994. Mortars were used again in Mokokchang of Nagaland in December 1994. By the by, mortars are used only against enemy soldiers in a war, not for maintaining law and order!

An Army Jeep unfortunately had a flat tyre. The Jeep had an Army Officer as a passenger.

Why should the Jeep have a flat tyre? The Army opened fire on the civilians in the street of Kohima in 1995 and killed scores.

Thangan Manorama Devi AKA Henthoi was gang raped and killed in Manipur in 2004; when old ladies came out to the street with the placards where `Come Rape Us` was inscribed; they were wearing nothing!

I am afraid to mention Mizoram. I am afraid, because, personnel of Indian Air Force are also a part of the personnel authorised to wield their powers under AFSPA like Army. And they did it with gusto. They threw Napalm Bombs in the villages, they chaffed the civilian population and they bombed the offices to take out the Mizo National Front agitators!

Now, let me dwell on the meat of the story.

The law enforcing agency under the AFSPA is not answerable to anybody for their acts.

There is no provision of an appeal at a court of law against the atrocities committed by the army men.

The cases of atrocities reported in the media are too few. Ask Dr Angela Ao, who was a district Mother and Child Health Officer in Mokokchang during 1994. She would tell you the exact number of women that she attended to! The figures let out in the media were too small against the actual number.

Now I have the following to add:-
a) Power accorded to `shoot to kill` is a clear violation of constitutional right of the  citizen and it contravenes both Indian and International laws

b) It is a violation of `Right to live` under section 21 of the constitution of India

c) It is against the principles of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). We are a signatory to this covenant since 1978

Let me come back to my bug bear; the Concurrent Jurisdiction and juxtapose it with the AFSPA.

It seems to me that we are amenable to let loose a team of monsters with constitutional authority to create mayhem at will. We condone their follies with soft hands by bringing them under an umbrella called the concurrent jurisdiction.

I am also privy to a question with all my affected brethren of the North East and the J&K to ask, why we; the peace loving people only have to bear the brunt of the draconian law? Did the Government declare Gujarat as a disturbed area during Gujarat Riots? Was not

Ahmednagar of Maharashtra declared as a disturbed area? What happened during Bombay riots? What happened when LTTE was creating mayhem in the southern peninsula particularly in Tamil Nadu? Did you impose AFSPA in these elite locations?

If not, why in the North Eastern States alone, and why in J&K?

Over all; I feel that, our administration is selective while invoking this law. While doing that, the administration is authorising a section of our own people to choose justice of his choice from his desired courts, at the same time allowing him to carry on with the mayhem under the garb of AFSPA; that too in selected geographical limits. I feel that to be high headed and one sided.

I would like to see an end to the unnecessary debate. I would like to see my brethren in arms in sublime uniforms doing their duties with a smile to protect the motherland. Please stop using the Army to look after internal law and order, please keep them in the barracks and borders, let the borders be in safe hands, and for God`s sake, keep the uniformed people away from the dirty politics.

Ponder; how many Generals do we have from the land of Lachit Borphukan and Chilarai in the country`s Army? We have hardly any. We have hardly any; because; our boys and girls don`t join the Army. Why? Ask yourself. You shall have the answer.

Next to Bangladesh they have the Army on their hate list!

And; I still believe, a job in the three services is just sublime, particularly at the time of need.

I would like to send in a request to all who matter; please review your decisions on AFSPA, it is neither doing justice for the forces nor is it giving you the desired results.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/afspa-as-i-see-it/

Democracy And Politics In India

(MPP, AGP V/s NPF and neighbouring politics) By B. Angousana Sharma, Retd. CPF A comprehensive… more »

(MPP, AGP V/s NPF and neighbouring politics)
By B. Angousana Sharma, Retd. CPF
A comprehensive but concise outlook for 63 year constitutional parliamentary democracy in India is now appeared to be rough, rugged and blurred surface of a mirror in the public domain through the unadmissible administration of the multi-party parliamentary debatorium with the agendas of insignificant unlimited provision in the conglomerated constitution which roomed to confiscate the right of the citizens of the country by the incapable and unbridled democracy, steering by the limited Heads of the nation; whom are under suspicious sounding everywhere in the administration, which is unfortunate for the democracy when claimed to be the biggest democratic country in the world, whereof the most hoached-poached discipline of administration exhibits; where, discipline of the people is yet to be immunized; as if, else of the integrity in the majority population is showing the intuitional ethics which playing as key role in the society; as of the fact the administration of the biggest populated country is pulling like crankering a huge body, but how far the pully of chain would claim to be maintaining the administration of a super-power ascending sub-continent seems to be a hard task for the nation. Because, the multi-party, unistitutional political segments are causing to be stone-blocked on the path of development with the regional and local political pill boxes.

It is also true enough the National Political Heads are playing in the capital Head Quarters; in the meantime the regional/local loop holes might enlarge which leads to be a corrupt plant turned to be obstacle the mainstream of the administration. On the one hand the local and regional political discipline would turn to play the cards of the lapsed in the administration. Besides, the national issues termed to local interpretation. Rest of the problems become local, which, later shoulder to the population. By the time, when the situation turned to unusual due to huge lapses in the administration where as the opportunist advantaged to crop-up the Anti-National activities into the region with the cards of the numerous issues which later faced the administration, very hard to fulfill the demands surrounded; which is the result of the Multi-party democratic administration in the non-democratic minds of the Leaders.

Problems after problems, causes after causes varying the formulation of the movements, architeched by the expertised wave of thoughts in the politicians become headache to the states and national heads. Very cloudy, non-descriptive, vague banners forebears the clumsy thoughts of the politicians. Their oscillatory strikes in repeat fumble deals reacts the people, rather pricking the silent mood of the people.

In the crux of the time the heavy loading poverty, unemployment, resentment, non-evolution, non-methodical, non-strategic, non-industrialistic, the ecological problems of deforestation, over mining mechanism, uncontrollable demographic situation are all natural, non-articulative and obvious formulations. As of the fact administration and governance of the rule destabilized, hence imbibed negative; of the lore people become selfish and self centered. Thus, politics declined to regional and local which terms to communal due to lack of political institutions, and due to un-distilled strategies of the political system in the parliamentary Multi-party Govt. peoples have been sidelined.

These are all talks about democracy; and democracy, the Indian democracy has own specific but insignificant disciplines with the multi-racial cultures and ethos where full of faul plays embraced the society which are very poisonous and envenoming the political atmosphere. Because Indian`s like democracy could maintain through integrity more than the political disciplines of the parties; otherwise discriminatory communalism would over run the society. This is of the reason how India is administering by integrity (faith unto God, Non-violence, Ram-Bharosha). It is true enough India is administered by Integrity not by the Debatorium, the Parliament. India`s parliament is nothing but Sadar Bazar of Delhi.

Besides, duties of the democrats have to be institutionalised so that duties of the bureaucrats and technocrats as well as defense and diplomats can be endorsed time to time. In the mean time the role of Intelligence on the part of the departmental heads to be scanned are found to be accountable. Therefore, integrity of the key persons could supervise by the democrats, whose (democrats) integrity must be superp as Patriot. In the sense, the term patriot is derived from PAT or affection or having love for own country; in the far way, becoming of a leader of the NATION, i.e. PATRIOT.

Consequent upon creation of the democratic administration there were vast interpretations of the systems of the administrations when the stage of the theory to be brought into consideration for application into a federal Govt. Because, to socialize the selfish mind, to upbroaden the desire for general purposes would have been streamlined through the presentation of the constitution, which of the core matters are to be institutionalized the leaders which found to be lapsed in India. Thereupon, the qualities of the opportunism, selfishness in the leaders could wash through integrity and education; but due to hasty applications of the political theories the politicians become half hearted on the part of participation. This would be the reason of the National politics is weak and regional politics is in free swing in the small pockets. Therefore, till improvement of the National politics democrats become smaller in size whereas, pseudo-democrats become powerful leaders in the local grid with the narrow and temporary beam. Thus, declination of the National political avenues appeared, the local power grid is upper hand in politics, in the states; in the meantime reality of democracy remained deem.

NPF (Naga Peoples Front) is example of the weak democracy in India. NPF is with the provision of Indian constitution enter the territory of Manipur which has a prolong dream of Naga integration in the neighbouring states, with the plan to through the Greater Nagaland issue. And consequent upon initiation of NPF into the soil of Manipur the Greater Nagaland issue into the territories of the neighbouring states enhanced a bigger arena for Naga Sovereignty. But, the bureaucrats who deals the issue had very clear vision that it is not achievable, the matter is MISSION IMPOSSIBLE, since the Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur assemblies have no deviation to break the territorial integrity, as federal has full right to protect own territory of a state even being governed by the single parliamentary directives in union. However, the Indian bureaucrats have not exert to play the cards tactfully which is ill fortunate for the NSCN with the Naga Sovereign issue towards the neighbours, pinching and irritating Manipur in particular.

Ultimately NSCN projects the NPF card openly under the mainstream of the ruling Nagaland Govt, so that a democratic movement as political push through can be paved the path of Greater Nagaland, a dream, whereas, the central shrewds are with divide and rule device as micro mechanism. Unnecessary tension is cropping up with the Manipuries which is fruitless plant for future generation. Because, Manipur has numerous children to see not the Nagas; Naga should not forget it.

NPF extends political fielding into the tribal settled areas of Manipur with the banner of Naga integration. But Naga politics has to fathom a thought of AGP (Asom Gana Parishad) of Assam, MPP (Manipur People`s Party) of Manipur before stepping out to enchroach the political arena, so that they can field the ideology with correct and clear picture of the agendas to the tribal people of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

Because, AGP has no ideology to disturb the neighbouring states to Nagaland, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh; Manipur peoples Party has no intention to step out to Silchar or Kohima, so that the neighbourig states could feel unusual atmosphere of politics. As of today the thrush of Naga integration has long been motivating the tribal people of Manipur which hurt the local administration in the state. Hence intention of the movement seems to be harmful to humanity.

Besides, the Central Govt. as well as the National Political Parties in India had not endeavoured to break the status-quo of silence in the bliss of non-violence, which is yet to harm the people of the North East India. How far silent will observe, non- violence will maintain no one can predict it? The silent can break at any time, at any moment in the public. If the Central Govt. is not keeping a close eye upon the intolerable acts of anti-federal character, over the territory of Manipur; at that moment, for the act of violence who will be held responsible?
 
This will be the height of the situation created due to “Divide and Rule” policy of the Central Govt., in-stead of inducting positive, pacification and right governance in the states. There were evidences of faul plays while dealing the small issues of Greater Nagaland. Either Central Govt. is intending to erase the territory of Manipur or trying to subdue the will of Manupuries which is humiliation, which will be the dark dream for both Naga and Govt. of India.

Let Naga card play at Nagaland, not in Manipur. Let Manipur remain peace and tranquil as Manipuries either of Hill or of valley were enjoying the equal share of the state.

It may be true enough, the political leaders are not qualified according to the vast arena of the constitution as they are always running behind personal benefits, not mostly in the public interest; which of the benefits have to be provided to the people. As of the reason the Govt. is not capable to hold talks with the revolutionary groups. Therefore, free and open demands of the fundamentalist and pro-co critic questions start floating to the govt., as well as the innocent peoples of the nation.

Therefore, Govt. has to have a deep concern over the situations created due to maladministration into the insurgency prone territories of the country, so that, remedial, viable atmosphere can be established in those states.

Why so conspired and callused in the democratic administration. There must have equal deal, should not be partial and selfish; must have equal vision; should have democratic governance over the bureaucrats and technocrats; otherwise, there will be more Greater Nagaland in India, there will be more territorial conflict in between states.

Therefore, the nationalist political leaders must have the interest to meet up such types of problems, rather leaders should not maintain a longer silence. Leaders (democrats) should try to come on the floor to solve the regional/local problems, immediately.

That, act of positive opinion would nector to solve the unsolved or turmoil. Such voice will hitch the false act of violence. If the leaders remain silent the nation will lead to doom. If the nation would not be existed the dream of the leaders for election, selection and post will vanish into the Blue.

It is also true that; on the context of the Regional Politics as the AGP, the MPP are both rational on the part of integrity and ethics of the territorial concern. Both parties are maintaining the wisdom of Party Politics onward democracy in the country which is “federal in nature”, “Unity in form”.

MPP could extend her party HQrs., at Silchar and at Kohima; AGP could extend her HQrs at Kohima , Dimapur, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh but did not do so; why? It is political consciousness and human rationality on the part of neighbouring politics and thought of fellow brothers.
 
Whereas NPF is trying to push her ideology with the fan of Naga integration is found to be purely out of tracked into the venture of the sermonetted constitution of India where in any kind of culture can be doctrinated which may either harmful to the people or distorting the existing social and political system in the country which is ill fated to Indians. This advantage is nothing but to poke the neighbour.

What is the agenda of the NPF in the territory of Manipur? What will be the benefits of the tribal people of Manipur? What is the motto of NPF and Nagaland Govt.? No doubt that Nagaland creates turmoil to the neighbouring territories. This is history of India where democracy interprets the colour and communal definitions; although the interpretation of the constitution is to be sorted out immediately and the clear cut interpretations of the democrats are invited.

What is the picture of the parliamentary debates on the part of the sieze fire agreement and negotiation in between NSCN and the tribal people of Manipur; so that delaying tactis shall take prolong interval. In the mean time both Naga and tribal people of Manipur will open the eyes in the void with repentance; because, impossible will never cause to be possible.

Due to Naga problem the people of Manipur is suffering for long interval on the part of communication i.e. road communication for the early beginning due to NH-39, now NH-2 but today another territorial conflict with the Greater Nagaland issue based on ethnicity has been hotting up due to bureaucratic games of colluding the issue, rather Govt. of India is not taking the sentiment of the people of Manipur seriously which is not a healthy signal in administration.

Therefore Govt. of India should not compel to form another Isreal in the East India. Hence tolerable level of Manipuries may not overtake to TIME.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/democracy-and-politics-in-india/

Waltzing On The Brink

By B.G. Verghese Mamata Bannerjee is a maverick politician, petulant, parochial and populist and was… more »

By B.G. Verghese
Mamata Bannerjee is a maverick politician, petulant, parochial and populist and was a disaster as Railway minister. Becoming chief minister has not brought greater maturity thus far. Having time and again been an unreliable coalition partner, she has now dared the Congress to walk away from the alliance with her in Bengal, where she does not need the Congress to keep her government afloat. The unspoken corollary is that should the Trinamool reciprocate at the Centre, the Congress will lose the numbers to remain in office. In layman’s terms this is blackmail.

While its state unit fumes, the Congress has decided that discretion is the better part of valour until the February polls when it hopes to do well enough to strengthen its bargaining position at the Centre. One must wait and see if that happens. Meanwhile, the Government cuts a sorry spectacle as it swallows insult after insult and sees its flagship programmes vetoed: Teesta waters, the Lok Pal and Pension Bills, multi-brand FDI, and more.

This has serious implications. Non-functional coalitions may enjoy office but without power. This is surely undesirable by any calculus of national interest. Political drift defies good governance, which is what India needs above all. The best of laws and policies must flounder in the absence of governance for sheer lack of will, which was demonstrated over the civil-nuclear deal and by reopening the peace process with Pakistan, but not since. It is time the Government challenged the Opposition to bring it down, if it can or dares, and face the consequences. Since no other combination appears likely to be able to form a government, a general election might be the only and, certainly, the best recourse. The BJP is confused and divided and its bluff must be called.  

The big issue in 2011 was whether the Government had the will to come down heavily on corruption. Too much was invested by too many on a “strong” Lok Pal Bill. A Lok Pal is greatly to be desired but a more diverse set of decentralised and interlocking institutions will probably be more practical and effective, starting at the base where recommended police reforms have yet to be honestly implemented.

Too much naïve quick-fixing seasoned with too much inter-party politics has vitiated debate, with the forthcoming state level polls as the touchstone for all too many. Ultimately, it was the BJP that did most to stall the Lok Pal Bill. It then   marched to Rashtrapati Bhavan to seek reconvening of the Rajya Sabha to vote  on the Lok Pal Bill. This showmanship contrasts sharply with the Party’s decision to induct into its ranks the dismissed Lodh leader and UP’s former Family Welfare Minister, Babu Singh Khushwaha who is being arraigned for major corrupt practice in execution of the National Rural Health Mission programme that was under his charge.

This sordid farce is still being played out. First denied a BJP ticket in UP after strong objections from within the party, Khushwaha now seeks “suspension” of his party membership until his name is cleared, promising meanwhile to deliver the OBC (read Lodh) vote to his new soul mates who only hate corruption on Mondays and Thursdays.  

The BJP is not the only party to practice double standards. Mayawati has dismissed nearly half her former jumbo cabinet on grounds of malfeasance and incompetence. Many of them reportedly won their seats by slender margins and faced the prospect of being swept away by the incumbency factor in the next round. So they were dropped in a bid to portray an image makeover. The Election Commission has ordered all Mayawati’s statues of herself and the party’s elephant symbol, all newly-built at state expense, to be covered until the polls are over. 

Greater and more honest federalism has become a new slogan. It is difficult to see how federalism is undermined as made out by the Trinamool Congress and the BJP if Lok Ayuktas are set up by a Central Act under Article 253 in terms of the UN Convention on Corruption. In any event, the Government accepted an amendment vesting the States with the option to frame their own Lok Ayukta Acts if they so desired. So nobody was being coerced. The issue, as in the case of the FDI and Pension Bills, was not federalism. The objection clearly rested on other, self-serving political considerations.

The argument that strong States make for a strong Centre is true as much as a strong Centre makes for strong States. The two are interdependent and complementary. Each needs the other. The States also need to devolve more power to panchayati and municipal bodies, which they are reluctant to do.  One needs to rethink the principle of subsidiarity – each level doing what best it can and leaving more complex tasks and coordination for the rungs above.

The further argument that the “people” are supreme is also only true to the extent that “people” speak through their duly elected representatives in the legislature. The alternative would be government by the mob which is as dangerous as kangaroo courts enacting street justice without due process. Protests and demonstrations can and do influence legislators and administrators but cannot substitute legislative and administrative processes.

However, with fresh elections around the corner, electoral corruption must be fought. The Khushwaha case apart, the BJP, like the Congress, BSP, SP and other parties, has once again unabashedly nominated candidates with heinous criminal records in order to pull in caste and communal votes. Politicians discarded by their own parties are being welcomed to enter the rival tent. The Association for Democratic Rights’ National Election Watch has just published a list of criminals fielded by each of the UP parties in which the Congress and BJP figure prominently.  

What does this say for political morality and probity? The Akalis have openly denounced the Election Commission for seeking to enforce the Model Code of Conduct. Does not all of this reinforce the need for a constitutional amendment and related legislation to define and regulate political parties in order to bring them under some discipline?

The year just gone by was one when so much could have been accomplished. The opportunity was lost in negativism and recrimination and the pall cast by the global economic slowdown. There is reason to sorrow but none for despair. India remains solid both in terms of its economy and democratic roots. At seven per cent, our rate of economic growth remains well above world average though that is by no means good enough to lift us up and out of poverty, hunger and disease by our own bootstraps. The economy must be got moving again. The Government must not be daunted by carping criticism and negative headlines.  

Condoleezza Rice notes in her recently-published memoirs. “Today’s headlines and history’s judgement are seldom the same. If you are too attentive to the former, you will most certainly not do the hard work of securing the latter”. Wise words.
www.bgverghese .com

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/waltzing-on-the-brink/

Naga Issue: Internal Indian Ethnic Conflict or a Conflict Between Teo Nations?

By Kaka D. Iralu As far as the national identities of the Nagas and the… more »

By Kaka D. Iralu
As far as the national identities of the Nagas and the Indians are concerned, they are worlds apart. What I mean is that the “Naganess” of a Naga is totally different from the “Indianness” of an Indian. What I am talking about here is the national identity differences of different nations. These differences are an undeniable universal fact.

It is true that at the human level, irrespective of our different nationalities, there are many common human factors that bind all human beings together into a common humanity. These common human factors are factors like a common sense of right and wrong, truth and falsehood, justice and injustice etc. At this level we are all citizens of the world and the UNO is a symbol of that common humanity.

However, at the level of our ethnic and national identities, there are undeniable differences. These differences are based on historical, political, racial, cultural and religious factors. To deny their existence is to imperil our own peaceful co-existence as nations. In the case of Nagaland and India, various attempts have been made to deny the existence of these truths. Not to talk of a denial of its existence, even military force had been used to impose the Indian national identity on the Naga identity. Hence there is political conflict between the two nations.

Now, the Indo-Naga ethnic and national identities are different because of the following facts:

1. While racially, the Indian people mostly belong to the Dravidian and Aryan races, the Nagas in contrast belong to the Mongolian race.

2. Religion-wise, except for a very small minority of Christians and other faiths, the bulk of India’s millions belong either to the Muslim faith or the Hindu faith with its multifarious offshoots like Buddhism, Jainism or Sikhism etc. By contrast, the Nagas were all formerly Animists but are now mostly Christians. There is not a single Naga Hindu or Muslim to date.

3. In the Linguistic category too, the Indian languages belong to the Indo-European group of languages with Urdu and Sanskrit as its main languages. In contrast the great variety of Naga languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman group of languages.

Because of these striking differences in race, religion, and language, the cultural by-products and the national identities of both countries are strikingly different. Now, nobody can deny that the cultural ethos of a nation is the visible and practical expressions of a nation’s “worldview.” A nation’s worldview is in turn based on the nation’s religious or philosophical beliefs. To put it in mathematical equation, it will be Religious and Philosophical beliefs + Worldview of a Nation = Cultural Ethos of a Nation. The laws of a nation and the character of a nation are all influenced and shaped by this formula. Keeping this formula in the back of our minds, let us now briefly summarise the Indian worldview and the Naga worldview.

Indian World View and Naga World View
The Indian worldview: The Indian worldview has been deeply influenced by Hinduism and Islam. Islam has its different sects with slightly different theologies. On the other hand, Hinduism, besides its pantheon of gods and goddesses, also has its many offshoots like Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism etc. In all these offshoots, there are myriads of Gurus, Monks etc. Now, nobody can deny that these religions have influenced and shaped the Indian national identity. The cultural history of India as a result of these influences has a history of Kings with divine right to rule; and a cast system controlling their society.

The Naga worldview: The Naga worldview, on the contrary, was devoid of any such religious so called divine rights to dominate or rule. Prior to the coming of Christianity in the late 19th century, Naga conscience was the only Naga religion. In fact prior to 1875 there was not a single religious or historical manuscript in the possession of any of the Naga tribes! However, solely on the basis of the dictates of their conscience, the Naga forefathers evolved a very pure form of democracy that could put to shame many religion-influenced Democracies or Monarchies in the world. Captain Butler, the British anthropologist and soldier wrote in 1875 that the purest form of democracy exists among the Nagas. In Naga history no one has ever ruled over any other one.

As a result of these totally different worldviews, Nagas and Indians not only think differently and live differently, but they even eat differently and smell differently! (The Naga definition of meat, by the way, is “anything that moves!”)To stretch the difference to its logical conclusion is this: An Indian culture can never produce a Naga mind neither can a Naga mind ever produce an Indian culture. What I am talking about here is not racism but the simple yet undeniable fact of racial differences. These racial differences are a global phenomenon. It is also a biological and anthropological fact. It is therefore both a social and scientific truth. To superimpose the Indian national identity on the Naga identity and say that they are one and the same thing is unthinkable and therefore utterly unacceptable as far as the Nagas are concerned. No nation on earth can even imagine that such an experiment could ever be possible. “Hindustani bhai, bhai” (all Indians are brothers) may make sense to a Gujarati or a Marathi or a Punjabi because whatever their differences they all share a common racial, lingual, and religious background. But “Hindustani bhai, bhai” is total nonsense to the Nagas.

Some arrogant Indian Hindu politicians and social thinkers think that the Hindu Pantheistic umbrella can swallow up even other nations into the Indian belly. I often argued with Hindu intellectuals who just cannot understand why I refuse to be swallowed into what they call the Indian mainstream. They would argue “after all the Indian nation is a multi diverse nation of various ethnic groups, linguistic groups and religious groups.” The fact is, whatever the multi diversity of the Indian polity maybe I simply do not belong to any of them historically, politically, religiously or culturally.

To conclude this section, allow me to describe in a few words my political and economic status as a citizen of Nagaland. I am from Khonoma village of the Angami tribe. My political status and identity as a Naga starts from that village level. As stated earlier, here the reader must remember that every Naga village is a sovereign democratic republic with its own sets of laws governing the village. Now within the village, I belong to the Iralu clan. The Iralu clan in turn belongs to the wider clan group called the Meyasetsu clan. (The Meyasetsu clan is comprised of five minor clans). The Meyasetsu clan in turn belongs to the still wider and larger clan group called the Merhüma Khel. (The Merhüma Khel is comprised of three major clans). The Merhüma Khel in turn is one of the three major Khels that make up Khonoma village (The other two major Khels are Semoma and Thevoma). The Khonoma village in turn belongs to the Angami tribe and the Angami tribe in turn belongs to the Naga nation. My sense of political identity therefore, starts from the Iralu level to the Meyasetsu to the Merhüma to the Khonoma to the Angami and ultimately to the Naga national level. At every level of my political identity I have hundreds of my clansmen, khelmen, village men, tribesmen and fellow Nagas who have the obligation to protect me as a Naga. I, in turn owe the same obligation and allegiance to all these levels of my political identity. This is how the Nagas, though they are a very small nation, had defied the mighty British Empire for over a century and India for over half a century. In actual political reality, no Naga stands alone. Hence if any foreigner harms a Naga, they will find themselves pursued by hundreds of the victim’s clansmen crying for their blood! Land ownership of an individual also spreads across all these various levels of clan, Khel, village and tribal lands. The Naga sense of both political and economic sovereignty exists and functions in this way. Every Naga therefore, is a man with many clansmen and many lands.

As far as I am concerned, these ethnic and national identities are precious to me. They in fact define my political existence as a man with a country to call his own. As such I can never surrender this birthright to India or any other nation on earth.

Modern nations and Nagas
Prior to 1947, neither Nagaland nor India were independent sovereign states in the pattern of modern nation states. Nagaland was then a country of more than fifty-four tribes with the British having suzerainty over only eight tribes. India, on the other hand, was then a sub-continent of five hundred sixty two autonomous princely states besides the provinces under British rule.

The spirit of nationalism that swept across Asia and Africa in the 20th century affected Nagaland and India only in the earlier half of the 20th century. This spirit of nationalism took some concrete shape and direction for both Nagaland and India only in the 1920’s. Now some Indian historians would argue that the Indian independence movement started from the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. This assertion is disputed as exaggeration of actual historical facts by historians, many of them Indian. We will come to these details later on. For the moment, we will separate the two country’s historical developments. In the case of Nagaland, we will begin with a brief account of Naga history.

Ethnicity to Nationality in Naga History
Ancient Naga history – The Nagas are an ancient people whose forefathers migrated into their present habitat somewhere before the Christian era of AD 1. Their forefathers belonged to the Sino-Mongoloid race that came in waves from South East Asia towards the end of the BC era. Their entry points to their present lands were through the Himalayan region and the Burmese corridor. Whether in historical records or oral traditions passed from one generation to the other through word of mouth, there is no mention whatsoever of the Nagas driving away some former inhabitants of the land to make the lands their own. The fact is one where their forefathers, like any other nations in the world, at some specific time in history migrated from more populated regions of the Asian continent and settled down in their present lands and made it their land. Their continuity as a people inhabiting their present lands is an established historical fact. In historical records, the first mention of the Nagas as a people inhabiting their present lands was made by Claudius Ptolemy, the Greek historian and geographer in AD 150. In his records Ptolemy mentions the Nagas as Nagaloi (Claudius Ptolemy, Geographia, Vol V11, (ii)p.18). They were again mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveller who spent 15 years in India between AD 629-645. Hiuen Tsang visited Kamrup the capital of the Varman King, Bhaskar Varman in AD 643. From Kamrup in Assam, in his accounts “Si-Yu-Ki” he writes about the Nagas saying: The east of this country is bounded by a line of hills so that there is no great city to the kingdom. The frontiers are contiguous to the barbarians of Southwest China. These tribes are in fact akin to those of the Man people in their customs.

(Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s travel in India, Vol.III, Part II, Varanasi, 1903, p.11)

Besides these records, the Nagas are also mentioned in the Royal chronicles of the Manipur kingdom in records like Chietharol Kumbabu and Ningthourol Kumbabu (AD 663-763 and AD 906-996). They are also mentioned in the chronicles of the Ahom kings who came from upper Burma and the western Unan provinces of China and settled and ruled in Assam for 600 years beginning from the 13th century. Naga resistance against intrusions and raids from these two neighbouring kingdoms and also other kingdoms like the Burmese, Tripuris, Dimashas and the Cachar kingdoms from the 13th century to the 18th centuries are all there in recorded history. As for their encounter with the British in the 19th century and their resistance against British rule for one hundred fifteen years (1832 – 1947), numerous accounts are found in the British colonial records. It is said that the battles the British fought with the Naga tribes in the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries far outnumber all the frontier battles fought with the Indians in the great Indian sub-continent. Even in spite of all these battles, the British were able to subjugate only thirty per cent of actual Naga territory. (The actual Naga ancestral domain would be around 120,000 sq. km). In British colonial accounts, the unconquered 70% territories of the Nagas were recorded as unadministered territories or excluded areas. Even in the thirty per cent lands that the British administered, they never laid any claims to the lands they were administering. In fact C.V.Aitchinson in Treaties, Engagements and Sanads clearly records that: No written treaties or agreements have been made with any of the Naga tribes. (Vol.XII, 1931, p.91). Also following the submission of the Naga memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929, where the Nagas had refused to be included in the reformed scheme of India, the British Government, in recognition of their demands put the Naga Hills under excluded area in the Government of India Act, 1935.

Paramilitary Forces like the Assam Rifles had started killing innocent Naga civilians. This was followed by full-fledged Indian military troops moving into Nagaland by October 1955.  

These Indian troops (fifty four thousand in total) between 1955 to 1956, burnt down to ashes six hundred forty five Naga villages out of eight hundred sixty one Naga villages existing in those days. All the village granaries were also burned to ashes and within one year over one lakh Nagas died from bullets, aerial bombardments, rape, torture, murder, starvation and disease.

What happened afterwards is a story of blood and tears, sacrifices and heroism as a small nation fought against overwhelming odds for over half a century. As for A.Z.Phizo who wrote all the above words, he was first offered the Chief Ministership of Assam. When he refused, he was next offered to become a Minister in the Central Cabinet. This was followed by another offer to become the Ambassador to Malaya. He was next offered to ask anything from the Indian government including any amount of money. This offer was brought by Shri Prakasa, the then Minister of Natural Resources and Scientific Research. Phizo in his letter to S.C.Jamir from London dated October 31, 1963 wrote that he declined all these offers because he loved the Naga people more than anything else in the world. (S.C.Jamir, Reminiscences of Correspondences with A.Z.Phizo, p.21). When all these efforts to buy the Nagas with money failed, the Indian Government tried to militarily impose Indian nationality on the Nagas. When even this failed, the Indian Government again offered Phizo to become the next President of India in the early 1960s. Full details and a systematically chronicled account of many of the above stated facts can be found in the afore-mentioned book written by the author of the present article.

Some Interesting Observations In The Naga and Indian Journeys from Ethnicity to Nationality

1. Both Nagas and Indians were ruled by the British imperial power in modern history. The national souls of both the nations were awakened by this British rule. In the case of Nagaland, their first encounter with the British imperial might was in 1832, when Captain Jenkins and Pemberton marched across Naga country from the Manipur kingdom to the Assam kingdom via Zeliangrong and Angami regions. The British came with seven hundred troops and eight hundred coolies. This first British expedition into Naga country was met with fierce resistance from the Angamis and Zeliangrongs and the British lost several soldiers and many were injured. The Angamis and Zeliangrongs too suffered heavy casualties in this, their first encounter with guns. After this initial survey expedition, many other military excursions were undertaken by the British to subdue the Nagas. But in all these excursions, all the various Naga tribes relentlessly fought the British intrusion from 1832 to 1881. Khonoma village alone fought the British for thirty-five intermittent years (1845 – 1880). After the verbal peace treaty of Khonoma on 27th March 1880, the British were able to control about thirty per cent of Naga territory from 1880 – 1947. This sixty-seven years of British suzerainty over thirty per cent of Naga territories, was however interspersed with many confrontations against the British administration. As for the seventy per cent Naga territories that remained outside the British administered area, they continued hostile activities against British administrators up to 1947. Many punitive raids also had to be carried out by the British into these unadministered areas throughout their suzerainty over the thirty per cent Naga territories for sixty-seven years. In the light of these facts, it can be said that the Nagas defied British rule for one hundred fifteen years in the 19th and 20th centuries (1832 – 1947). The primary concern of the British throughout their many years of Anglo-Naga association was to protect their subjects in Manipur and Assam from the marauding raids of the Nagas.

In the case of India, the British entered the Indian sub-continent from the early part of the 17th century (1611). In the first British victory, Bombay surrendered to the British East India Company in 1668. By 1757, in the battle of Plassey, Robert Clive with nine hundred British soldiers backed by one thousand five hundred Indian mercenaries routed the Nawab’s Army of over sixty thousand soldiers. Following this victory, Robert Clive colonised a population that was larger than England. From the battle of Plassey the British went on to rule the whole of India for over two hundred years.

2. The first Naga defence of their land against British intrusion was in 1832. This preceded the Indian Mutiny of 1857 by twenty five years. Anywhere the British stepped into Naga territory, they were consistently met with Naga hostility and defence until 1880 (or as stated earlier up to 1947).

3. The Naga Club was formed in 1920, after the 1st World War. This was done solely on Naga initiative alone. In 1929, the Club submitted the important Naga memorandum to the British Simon Commission. In April 1946 C.R.Pawsey, the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills, established the Naga Hills District Tribal Council (NHDTC) to help the Nagas to rebuild their 2nd World War devastated economy and villages. Within nine months, on February 2, 1946, the members of the NHDTC had transformed themselves into the Naga National Council (NNC). The NNC, besides, the numerous important memorandums submitted to the outgoing British Government and the incoming Indian Government, went on to declare Naga independence on 14th August 1947, and also conducted the Naga Plebiscite on 16th May 1951. By July 26, 1960, its President A.Z.Phizo, after escaping the Indian dragnet was addressing the world press in London on the atrocities committed by the Indian Army on sovereign independent Nagaland.

On the part of India, though as early as 1885, A.O.Hume had established the Indian National Congress in order to train Indian intellectuals to give them political and administrative training in self-governance, it took until 1931 (forty five years later) for Mahatma Gandhi to finally reach London to attend the Second Round Table Conference. In fact there were many opportunities for India to have gotten her independence even as early as the end of the 1st World War. The British Government’s post – 1st World War intentions had been clearly stated by Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu on August 20, 1917. This was followed by the Government of India Act 1919. Had India seized these opportunities in a united way, she could have gotten her independence three decades earlier then August 1947.

At the risk of blowing our own trumpet too loudly and also at the risk of offending some of my genuine Indian friends, I have made these comparative observations. However, I have done it because I have met too many arrogant Indians who think their own history is glorious as compared to ours.

TOWARDS A RESOLUTION OF THE FIFTY-FOUR YEAR INDO-NAGA CONFLICT

In this solution-seeking section, I want to state the Naga position regarding their right to sovereignty and independence very clearly. The two nations – Nagaland and India – though incomparable in size and population awoke to their respective national destinies at more or less the same period of history. It took both the nations many years to evolve from ethnic backgrounds into multi-ethnic nations. However, the tragedy for Nagaland was that, India, that giant nation on receiving her freedom after two hundred years of humiliation, turned and trampled her tiny neighbour Nagaland into the dust. Today Nagaland’s cry for freedom and Nagaland’s rainbow and star (national flag) lies crumpled and blood soaked in the battlefields of the fifty-four year Indo-Naga war. Compared to India’s national martyrs of a few thousands, more than two hundred thousand Naga martyrs lie fallen in the various battlefields stretching to over half a century. But Nagaland has not suffered alone. India too has paid a terrible price both in loss of human lives and financial expenditures. This war must end, but it will never end as long as India refuses to recognise Nagaland’s right to her own sovereignty. So here then is a summary of what Nagas believe to be their national and geographical rights which can never be surrendered.

The Naga Lands and the Naga Rights

No nation on earth, no individual in human history has come into existence without a concrete geographical reference point. This is to say no nation on earth, no individual in the world has fallen into earth from outer space. All political histories of every nation have their origin from some concrete geographical lands. Within the boundaries of this geographical land the people of the land develop their national identity, their cultural identity and their political identity. The inhabitants of the land call the land their land. The Nagas, like any other nations on earth, call their geographical land Nagaland. Corresponding to this fact, there is a geographical land called Britain for the British, a geographical Russia for the Russians and a geographical India for the Indians. The Nagas on their part are not covetous of even an inch of anybody else’s lands.

But by a tragic twist of history, Nagaland in the 20th century was severed in two through a treacherous betrayal by the British Government. Burma was gifted with half, and the other half fell under Indian dominion. Those areas that fell under Indian territory were further subdivided into four fragments, namely – Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland. Thus, within the Indian territory, large chunks of Naga lands and Naga people were put into three other states against the wishes of the Nagas. This was done to reduce the Naga political issue to the smallest possible geographical area. The present Indian State of Nagaland is comprised of only 16,557 sq. kms with a population of hardly over two million people.

However, in actual fact, the greater Nagaland including those areas in Myanmar is comprised of over 1,20,000 sq. kms. This area is located at 25º 60’ and 27º 40’latitude North of equator and between the longitudinal lines 93º 20’E and 95º 15’E. The total population of the entire Naga people of the actual Nagaland would be about four million. Thus, the actual Naga territory for which all Nagas have been fighting for, for all these fifty years is almost five times the size of Israel with a population of about four million people.

Throughout their history the Nagas had defended their lands against foreign invaders and aggressors. As far as her relationship with her neighbour India is concerned, prior to 1947, not to talk of Indian Kings or Princes having ruled the Nagas, no Indian King or Prince had ever even set foot on Naga territories. Also, prior to 1947, Nagas had no affinity with India whether racially, historically, politically, culturally, religiously or any other wise. Therefore Nagaland is not part of Indian territory neither are Nagas Indians.

Another point to be noted in this connection is that since all Naga territories never came under British suzerainty, the British had absolutely no right to hand over such territories to India or Burma after their departure from their South Asian empire in 1947. Similarly, India or Burma also has absolutely no legal right to claim these territories as their territories.

Even Jawaharlal Nehru understood this fact very clearly. On August 19,1946, in connection with the proposed British Crown Colony plan, he described the Naga territories as:

The tribal areas are defined as being those long frontiers of India which are neither part of India nor Burma, nor of Indian States nor of any foreign power.

(Quoted from Phizo’s letter to Rajiv Gandhi, May 10,1986, p. 6)

How these long stretches of frontiers (which were neither Burmese nor Indian territories) could simply disappear into India and Burma after 1947 is the issue that has caused the fifty four year Indo-Naga war. What Nagas have been asserting and fighting for, for fifty years is exactly what Nehru had described. When we say we are Nagas and not Indians, we also mean we are neither Burmese nor Russians nor Africans; for our people and our land had never belonged to India or Burma or any “other foreign power.”

As far as the Nagas under Indian dominion are concerned, Nagaland is not in India, but India is presently in Nagaland by invasion and subjugation. All these historical and political facts showing that Nagas were not Indians and would not join the Indian Union were conveyed to India, Britain and the world by the Nagas long before the emergence of the present Indian Union in 1947. Also when India and Britain did not take notice of these communications, the Nagas declared their independence on 14th August 1947 – one day prior to India’s declaration of her own independence.

The Nagas have been waging a war of self-defence for their geographical land for the past fifty-four years with India and Myanmar. This is because this land is their land and they want to live in their land without fear or domination as free citizens of a free country. The Nagas are fighting for their lands because they have no other lands on the whole face of the earth besides these 1,20,000 sq. kms. Therefore the question of surrender or retreat or migration to another country does not arise simply because they have no other land on the whole face of this planet earth. To retreat or run away from their land and occupy another land would be to claim other people’s land as their own. Hence the Nagas have no alternative but to stand and fight, even if to do so, could mean sure death. They have been fighting against India and Myanmar with courage born of desperation and against overwhelming odds for half a century.

Nagas not secessionist:

Contrary to India’s allegations, the Nagas neither consider it criminal nor their actions unlawful activities when they fight in self-defence for their sovereignty. The Nagas had never volitionally joined the Indian Union when it was offered to them prior to 1947. Their acts of self-defence are therefore not acts of secession. They are also neither guilty of breaking any Indian laws and thus deserving to be branded as perpetrators of unlawful activities by the Indian Government. As far as the Nagas are concerned the defence of their motherland is a moral and political duty. They owe it to themselves and their children and all future generations of Nagas to defend their God apportioned land with all their strength and might.

For them not to do so is tantamount to reducing themselves to refugees without a country to call as their own.

Hence they can never surrender their lands to India or Myanmar or any other nations on earth. India on her part must understand that Nagas are not secessionists or terrorists. The Nagas have absolutely no ill intentions of trying to destabilise India or create any problems for India. On their part they want to live in Peace with India as the most friendly neighbour.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/naga-issue-internal-indian-ethnic-conflict-or-a-conflict-between-teo-nations/

Naga Issue: Internal Indian Ethnic Conflict or a Conflict Between Teo Nations?

By Kaka D. Iralu As far as the national identities of the Nagas and the… more »

By Kaka D. Iralu
As far as the national identities of the Nagas and the Indians are concerned, they are worlds apart. What I mean is that the “Naganess” of a Naga is totally different from the “Indianness” of an Indian. What I am talking about here is the national identity differences of different nations. These differences are an undeniable universal fact.

It is true that at the human level, irrespective of our different nationalities, there are many common human factors that bind all human beings together into a common humanity. These common human factors are factors like a common sense of right and wrong, truth and falsehood, justice and injustice etc. At this level we are all citizens of the world and the UNO is a symbol of that common humanity.

However, at the level of our ethnic and national identities, there are undeniable differences. These differences are based on historical, political, racial, cultural and religious factors. To deny their existence is to imperil our own peaceful co-existence as nations. In the case of Nagaland and India, various attempts have been made to deny the existence of these truths. Not to talk of a denial of its existence, even military force had been used to impose the Indian national identity on the Naga identity. Hence there is political conflict between the two nations.

Now, the Indo-Naga ethnic and national identities are different because of the following facts:

1. While racially, the Indian people mostly belong to the Dravidian and Aryan races, the Nagas in contrast belong to the Mongolian race.

2. Religion-wise, except for a very small minority of Christians and other faiths, the bulk of India’s millions belong either to the Muslim faith or the Hindu faith with its multifarious offshoots like Buddhism, Jainism or Sikhism etc. By contrast, the Nagas were all formerly Animists but are now mostly Christians. There is not a single Naga Hindu or Muslim to date.

3. In the Linguistic category too, the Indian languages belong to the Indo-European group of languages with Urdu and Sanskrit as its main languages. In contrast the great variety of Naga languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman group of languages.

Because of these striking differences in race, religion, and language, the cultural by-products and the national identities of both countries are strikingly different. Now, nobody can deny that the cultural ethos of a nation is the visible and practical expressions of a nation’s “worldview.” A nation’s worldview is in turn based on the nation’s religious or philosophical beliefs. To put it in mathematical equation, it will be Religious and Philosophical beliefs + Worldview of a Nation = Cultural Ethos of a Nation. The laws of a nation and the character of a nation are all influenced and shaped by this formula. Keeping this formula in the back of our minds, let us now briefly summarise the Indian worldview and the Naga worldview.

Indian World View and Naga World View
The Indian worldview: The Indian worldview has been deeply influenced by Hinduism and Islam. Islam has its different sects with slightly different theologies. On the other hand, Hinduism, besides its pantheon of gods and goddesses, also has its many offshoots like Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism etc. In all these offshoots, there are myriads of Gurus, Monks etc. Now, nobody can deny that these religions have influenced and shaped the Indian national identity. The cultural history of India as a result of these influences has a history of Kings with divine right to rule; and a cast system controlling their society.

The Naga worldview: The Naga worldview, on the contrary, was devoid of any such religious so called divine rights to dominate or rule. Prior to the coming of Christianity in the late 19th century, Naga conscience was the only Naga religion. In fact prior to 1875 there was not a single religious or historical manuscript in the possession of any of the Naga tribes! However, solely on the basis of the dictates of their conscience, the Naga forefathers evolved a very pure form of democracy that could put to shame many religion-influenced Democracies or Monarchies in the world. Captain Butler, the British anthropologist and soldier wrote in 1875 that the purest form of democracy exists among the Nagas. In Naga history no one has ever ruled over any other one.

As a result of these totally different worldviews, Nagas and Indians not only think differently and live differently, but they even eat differently and smell differently! (The Naga definition of meat, by the way, is “anything that moves!”)To stretch the difference to its logical conclusion is this: An Indian culture can never produce a Naga mind neither can a Naga mind ever produce an Indian culture. What I am talking about here is not racism but the simple yet undeniable fact of racial differences. These racial differences are a global phenomenon. It is also a biological and anthropological fact. It is therefore both a social and scientific truth. To superimpose the Indian national identity on the Naga identity and say that they are one and the same thing is unthinkable and therefore utterly unacceptable as far as the Nagas are concerned. No nation on earth can even imagine that such an experiment could ever be possible. “Hindustani bhai, bhai” (all Indians are brothers) may make sense to a Gujarati or a Marathi or a Punjabi because whatever their differences they all share a common racial, lingual, and religious background. But “Hindustani bhai, bhai” is total nonsense to the Nagas.

Some arrogant Indian Hindu politicians and social thinkers think that the Hindu Pantheistic umbrella can swallow up even other nations into the Indian belly. I often argued with Hindu intellectuals who just cannot understand why I refuse to be swallowed into what they call the Indian mainstream. They would argue “after all the Indian nation is a multi diverse nation of various ethnic groups, linguistic groups and religious groups.” The fact is, whatever the multi diversity of the Indian polity maybe I simply do not belong to any of them historically, politically, religiously or culturally.

To conclude this section, allow me to describe in a few words my political and economic status as a citizen of Nagaland. I am from Khonoma village of the Angami tribe. My political status and identity as a Naga starts from that village level. As stated earlier, here the reader must remember that every Naga village is a sovereign democratic republic with its own sets of laws governing the village. Now within the village, I belong to the Iralu clan. The Iralu clan in turn belongs to the wider clan group called the Meyasetsu clan. (The Meyasetsu clan is comprised of five minor clans). The Meyasetsu clan in turn belongs to the still wider and larger clan group called the Merhüma Khel. (The Merhüma Khel is comprised of three major clans). The Merhüma Khel in turn is one of the three major Khels that make up Khonoma village (The other two major Khels are Semoma and Thevoma). The Khonoma village in turn belongs to the Angami tribe and the Angami tribe in turn belongs to the Naga nation. My sense of political identity therefore, starts from the Iralu level to the Meyasetsu to the Merhüma to the Khonoma to the Angami and ultimately to the Naga national level. At every level of my political identity I have hundreds of my clansmen, khelmen, village men, tribesmen and fellow Nagas who have the obligation to protect me as a Naga. I, in turn owe the same obligation and allegiance to all these levels of my political identity. This is how the Nagas, though they are a very small nation, had defied the mighty British Empire for over a century and India for over half a century. In actual political reality, no Naga stands alone. Hence if any foreigner harms a Naga, they will find themselves pursued by hundreds of the victim’s clansmen crying for their blood! Land ownership of an individual also spreads across all these various levels of clan, Khel, village and tribal lands. The Naga sense of both political and economic sovereignty exists and functions in this way. Every Naga therefore, is a man with many clansmen and many lands.

As far as I am concerned, these ethnic and national identities are precious to me. They in fact define my political existence as a man with a country to call his own. As such I can never surrender this birthright to India or any other nation on earth.

Modern nations and Nagas
Prior to 1947, neither Nagaland nor India were independent sovereign states in the pattern of modern nation states. Nagaland was then a country of more than fifty-four tribes with the British having suzerainty over only eight tribes. India, on the other hand, was then a sub-continent of five hundred sixty two autonomous princely states besides the provinces under British rule.

The spirit of nationalism that swept across Asia and Africa in the 20th century affected Nagaland and India only in the earlier half of the 20th century. This spirit of nationalism took some concrete shape and direction for both Nagaland and India only in the 1920’s. Now some Indian historians would argue that the Indian independence movement started from the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. This assertion is disputed as exaggeration of actual historical facts by historians, many of them Indian. We will come to these details later on. For the moment, we will separate the two country’s historical developments. In the case of Nagaland, we will begin with a brief account of Naga history.

Ethnicity to Nationality in Naga History
Ancient Naga history – The Nagas are an ancient people whose forefathers migrated into their present habitat somewhere before the Christian era of AD 1. Their forefathers belonged to the Sino-Mongoloid race that came in waves from South East Asia towards the end of the BC era. Their entry points to their present lands were through the Himalayan region and the Burmese corridor. Whether in historical records or oral traditions passed from one generation to the other through word of mouth, there is no mention whatsoever of the Nagas driving away some former inhabitants of the land to make the lands their own. The fact is one where their forefathers, like any other nations in the world, at some specific time in history migrated from more populated regions of the Asian continent and settled down in their present lands and made it their land. Their continuity as a people inhabiting their present lands is an established historical fact. In historical records, the first mention of the Nagas as a people inhabiting their present lands was made by Claudius Ptolemy, the Greek historian and geographer in AD 150. In his records Ptolemy mentions the Nagas as Nagaloi (Claudius Ptolemy, Geographia, Vol V11, (ii)p.18). They were again mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveller who spent 15 years in India between AD 629-645. Hiuen Tsang visited Kamrup the capital of the Varman King, Bhaskar Varman in AD 643. From Kamrup in Assam, in his accounts “Si-Yu-Ki” he writes about the Nagas saying: The east of this country is bounded by a line of hills so that there is no great city to the kingdom. The frontiers are contiguous to the barbarians of Southwest China. These tribes are in fact akin to those of the Man people in their customs.

(Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s travel in India, Vol.III, Part II, Varanasi, 1903, p.11)

Besides these records, the Nagas are also mentioned in the Royal chronicles of the Manipur kingdom in records like Chietharol Kumbabu and Ningthourol Kumbabu (AD 663-763 and AD 906-996). They are also mentioned in the chronicles of the Ahom kings who came from upper Burma and the western Unan provinces of China and settled and ruled in Assam for 600 years beginning from the 13th century. Naga resistance against intrusions and raids from these two neighbouring kingdoms and also other kingdoms like the Burmese, Tripuris, Dimashas and the Cachar kingdoms from the 13th century to the 18th centuries are all there in recorded history. As for their encounter with the British in the 19th century and their resistance against British rule for one hundred fifteen years (1832 – 1947), numerous accounts are found in the British colonial records. It is said that the battles the British fought with the Naga tribes in the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries far outnumber all the frontier battles fought with the Indians in the great Indian sub-continent. Even in spite of all these battles, the British were able to subjugate only thirty per cent of actual Naga territory. (The actual Naga ancestral domain would be around 120,000 sq. km). In British colonial accounts, the unconquered 70% territories of the Nagas were recorded as unadministered territories or excluded areas. Even in the thirty per cent lands that the British administered, they never laid any claims to the lands they were administering. In fact C.V.Aitchinson in Treaties, Engagements and Sanads clearly records that: No written treaties or agreements have been made with any of the Naga tribes. (Vol.XII, 1931, p.91). Also following the submission of the Naga memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929, where the Nagas had refused to be included in the reformed scheme of India, the British Government, in recognition of their demands put the Naga Hills under excluded area in the Government of India Act, 1935.

Paramilitary Forces like the Assam Rifles had started killing innocent Naga civilians. This was followed by full-fledged Indian military troops moving into Nagaland by October 1955.  

These Indian troops (fifty four thousand in total) between 1955 to 1956, burnt down to ashes six hundred forty five Naga villages out of eight hundred sixty one Naga villages existing in those days. All the village granaries were also burned to ashes and within one year over one lakh Nagas died from bullets, aerial bombardments, rape, torture, murder, starvation and disease.

What happened afterwards is a story of blood and tears, sacrifices and heroism as a small nation fought against overwhelming odds for over half a century. As for A.Z.Phizo who wrote all the above words, he was first offered the Chief Ministership of Assam. When he refused, he was next offered to become a Minister in the Central Cabinet. This was followed by another offer to become the Ambassador to Malaya. He was next offered to ask anything from the Indian government including any amount of money. This offer was brought by Shri Prakasa, the then Minister of Natural Resources and Scientific Research. Phizo in his letter to S.C.Jamir from London dated October 31, 1963 wrote that he declined all these offers because he loved the Naga people more than anything else in the world. (S.C.Jamir, Reminiscences of Correspondences with A.Z.Phizo, p.21). When all these efforts to buy the Nagas with money failed, the Indian Government tried to militarily impose Indian nationality on the Nagas. When even this failed, the Indian Government again offered Phizo to become the next President of India in the early 1960s. Full details and a systematically chronicled account of many of the above stated facts can be found in the afore-mentioned book written by the author of the present article.

Some Interesting Observations In The Naga and Indian Journeys from Ethnicity to Nationality

1. Both Nagas and Indians were ruled by the British imperial power in modern history. The national souls of both the nations were awakened by this British rule. In the case of Nagaland, their first encounter with the British imperial might was in 1832, when Captain Jenkins and Pemberton marched across Naga country from the Manipur kingdom to the Assam kingdom via Zeliangrong and Angami regions. The British came with seven hundred troops and eight hundred coolies. This first British expedition into Naga country was met with fierce resistance from the Angamis and Zeliangrongs and the British lost several soldiers and many were injured. The Angamis and Zeliangrongs too suffered heavy casualties in this, their first encounter with guns. After this initial survey expedition, many other military excursions were undertaken by the British to subdue the Nagas. But in all these excursions, all the various Naga tribes relentlessly fought the British intrusion from 1832 to 1881. Khonoma village alone fought the British for thirty-five intermittent years (1845 – 1880). After the verbal peace treaty of Khonoma on 27th March 1880, the British were able to control about thirty per cent of Naga territory from 1880 – 1947. This sixty-seven years of British suzerainty over thirty per cent of Naga territories, was however interspersed with many confrontations against the British administration. As for the seventy per cent Naga territories that remained outside the British administered area, they continued hostile activities against British administrators up to 1947. Many punitive raids also had to be carried out by the British into these unadministered areas throughout their suzerainty over the thirty per cent Naga territories for sixty-seven years. In the light of these facts, it can be said that the Nagas defied British rule for one hundred fifteen years in the 19th and 20th centuries (1832 – 1947). The primary concern of the British throughout their many years of Anglo-Naga association was to protect their subjects in Manipur and Assam from the marauding raids of the Nagas.

In the case of India, the British entered the Indian sub-continent from the early part of the 17th century (1611). In the first British victory, Bombay surrendered to the British East India Company in 1668. By 1757, in the battle of Plassey, Robert Clive with nine hundred British soldiers backed by one thousand five hundred Indian mercenaries routed the Nawab’s Army of over sixty thousand soldiers. Following this victory, Robert Clive colonised a population that was larger than England. From the battle of Plassey the British went on to rule the whole of India for over two hundred years.

2. The first Naga defence of their land against British intrusion was in 1832. This preceded the Indian Mutiny of 1857 by twenty five years. Anywhere the British stepped into Naga territory, they were consistently met with Naga hostility and defence until 1880 (or as stated earlier up to 1947).

3. The Naga Club was formed in 1920, after the 1st World War. This was done solely on Naga initiative alone. In 1929, the Club submitted the important Naga memorandum to the British Simon Commission. In April 1946 C.R.Pawsey, the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills, established the Naga Hills District Tribal Council (NHDTC) to help the Nagas to rebuild their 2nd World War devastated economy and villages. Within nine months, on February 2, 1946, the members of the NHDTC had transformed themselves into the Naga National Council (NNC). The NNC, besides, the numerous important memorandums submitted to the outgoing British Government and the incoming Indian Government, went on to declare Naga independence on 14th August 1947, and also conducted the Naga Plebiscite on 16th May 1951. By July 26, 1960, its President A.Z.Phizo, after escaping the Indian dragnet was addressing the world press in London on the atrocities committed by the Indian Army on sovereign independent Nagaland.

On the part of India, though as early as 1885, A.O.Hume had established the Indian National Congress in order to train Indian intellectuals to give them political and administrative training in self-governance, it took until 1931 (forty five years later) for Mahatma Gandhi to finally reach London to attend the Second Round Table Conference. In fact there were many opportunities for India to have gotten her independence even as early as the end of the 1st World War. The British Government’s post – 1st World War intentions had been clearly stated by Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu on August 20, 1917. This was followed by the Government of India Act 1919. Had India seized these opportunities in a united way, she could have gotten her independence three decades earlier then August 1947.

At the risk of blowing our own trumpet too loudly and also at the risk of offending some of my genuine Indian friends, I have made these comparative observations. However, I have done it because I have met too many arrogant Indians who think their own history is glorious as compared to ours.

TOWARDS A RESOLUTION OF THE FIFTY-FOUR YEAR INDO-NAGA CONFLICT

In this solution-seeking section, I want to state the Naga position regarding their right to sovereignty and independence very clearly. The two nations – Nagaland and India – though incomparable in size and population awoke to their respective national destinies at more or less the same period of history. It took both the nations many years to evolve from ethnic backgrounds into multi-ethnic nations. However, the tragedy for Nagaland was that, India, that giant nation on receiving her freedom after two hundred years of humiliation, turned and trampled her tiny neighbour Nagaland into the dust. Today Nagaland’s cry for freedom and Nagaland’s rainbow and star (national flag) lies crumpled and blood soaked in the battlefields of the fifty-four year Indo-Naga war. Compared to India’s national martyrs of a few thousands, more than two hundred thousand Naga martyrs lie fallen in the various battlefields stretching to over half a century. But Nagaland has not suffered alone. India too has paid a terrible price both in loss of human lives and financial expenditures. This war must end, but it will never end as long as India refuses to recognise Nagaland’s right to her own sovereignty. So here then is a summary of what Nagas believe to be their national and geographical rights which can never be surrendered.

The Naga Lands and the Naga Rights

No nation on earth, no individual in human history has come into existence without a concrete geographical reference point. This is to say no nation on earth, no individual in the world has fallen into earth from outer space. All political histories of every nation have their origin from some concrete geographical lands. Within the boundaries of this geographical land the people of the land develop their national identity, their cultural identity and their political identity. The inhabitants of the land call the land their land. The Nagas, like any other nations on earth, call their geographical land Nagaland. Corresponding to this fact, there is a geographical land called Britain for the British, a geographical Russia for the Russians and a geographical India for the Indians. The Nagas on their part are not covetous of even an inch of anybody else’s lands.

But by a tragic twist of history, Nagaland in the 20th century was severed in two through a treacherous betrayal by the British Government. Burma was gifted with half, and the other half fell under Indian dominion. Those areas that fell under Indian territory were further subdivided into four fragments, namely – Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland. Thus, within the Indian territory, large chunks of Naga lands and Naga people were put into three other states against the wishes of the Nagas. This was done to reduce the Naga political issue to the smallest possible geographical area. The present Indian State of Nagaland is comprised of only 16,557 sq. kms with a population of hardly over two million people.

However, in actual fact, the greater Nagaland including those areas in Myanmar is comprised of over 1,20,000 sq. kms. This area is located at 25º 60’ and 27º 40’latitude North of equator and between the longitudinal lines 93º 20’E and 95º 15’E. The total population of the entire Naga people of the actual Nagaland would be about four million. Thus, the actual Naga territory for which all Nagas have been fighting for, for all these fifty years is almost five times the size of Israel with a population of about four million people.

Throughout their history the Nagas had defended their lands against foreign invaders and aggressors. As far as her relationship with her neighbour India is concerned, prior to 1947, not to talk of Indian Kings or Princes having ruled the Nagas, no Indian King or Prince had ever even set foot on Naga territories. Also, prior to 1947, Nagas had no affinity with India whether racially, historically, politically, culturally, religiously or any other wise. Therefore Nagaland is not part of Indian territory neither are Nagas Indians.

Another point to be noted in this connection is that since all Naga territories never came under British suzerainty, the British had absolutely no right to hand over such territories to India or Burma after their departure from their South Asian empire in 1947. Similarly, India or Burma also has absolutely no legal right to claim these territories as their territories.

Even Jawaharlal Nehru understood this fact very clearly. On August 19,1946, in connection with the proposed British Crown Colony plan, he described the Naga territories as:

The tribal areas are defined as being those long frontiers of India which are neither part of India nor Burma, nor of Indian States nor of any foreign power.

(Quoted from Phizo’s letter to Rajiv Gandhi, May 10,1986, p. 6)

How these long stretches of frontiers (which were neither Burmese nor Indian territories) could simply disappear into India and Burma after 1947 is the issue that has caused the fifty four year Indo-Naga war. What Nagas have been asserting and fighting for, for fifty years is exactly what Nehru had described. When we say we are Nagas and not Indians, we also mean we are neither Burmese nor Russians nor Africans; for our people and our land had never belonged to India or Burma or any “other foreign power.”

As far as the Nagas under Indian dominion are concerned, Nagaland is not in India, but India is presently in Nagaland by invasion and subjugation. All these historical and political facts showing that Nagas were not Indians and would not join the Indian Union were conveyed to India, Britain and the world by the Nagas long before the emergence of the present Indian Union in 1947. Also when India and Britain did not take notice of these communications, the Nagas declared their independence on 14th August 1947 – one day prior to India’s declaration of her own independence.

The Nagas have been waging a war of self-defence for their geographical land for the past fifty-four years with India and Myanmar. This is because this land is their land and they want to live in their land without fear or domination as free citizens of a free country. The Nagas are fighting for their lands because they have no other lands on the whole face of the earth besides these 1,20,000 sq. kms. Therefore the question of surrender or retreat or migration to another country does not arise simply because they have no other land on the whole face of this planet earth. To retreat or run away from their land and occupy another land would be to claim other people’s land as their own. Hence the Nagas have no alternative but to stand and fight, even if to do so, could mean sure death. They have been fighting against India and Myanmar with courage born of desperation and against overwhelming odds for half a century.

Nagas not secessionist:

Contrary to India’s allegations, the Nagas neither consider it criminal nor their actions unlawful activities when they fight in self-defence for their sovereignty. The Nagas had never volitionally joined the Indian Union when it was offered to them prior to 1947. Their acts of self-defence are therefore not acts of secession. They are also neither guilty of breaking any Indian laws and thus deserving to be branded as perpetrators of unlawful activities by the Indian Government. As far as the Nagas are concerned the defence of their motherland is a moral and political duty. They owe it to themselves and their children and all future generations of Nagas to defend their God apportioned land with all their strength and might.

For them not to do so is tantamount to reducing themselves to refugees without a country to call as their own.

Hence they can never surrender their lands to India or Myanmar or any other nations on earth. India on her part must understand that Nagas are not secessionists or terrorists. The Nagas have absolutely no ill intentions of trying to destabilise India or create any problems for India. On their part they want to live in Peace with India as the most friendly neighbour.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/naga-issue-internal-indian-ethnic-conflict-or-a-conflict-between-teo-nations/

Rani Gaidinliu : Her Role in Strengthening Naga Women

By Tasile N. Zeliang Naga society is an open society. Men and women are equal… more »

By Tasile N. Zeliang
Naga society is an open society. Men and women are equal partner in wealth and smooth administration in the family. It is a nucleus family wherein a son got separated from their parents after marriage while a daughter goes with her husband after marriage. It is a patriarchal society wherein father earns livelihood and mother runs the management of the family. The mother plays significant role in major decisions pertaining to the family.

Traditionally, the social institutions and village administration were manned by men only. Even Pujari institution was generally handled by men folk. The women were far behind men in politics. Now also, there are no women MLA in Nagaland Assembly today. The number of women in government and private jobs is comparatively very less. Rani Ma- a great visionary and God-gifted divine person understood the significant role of women in building of strong Naga society.

After assassination of Haipou Jadonang on 29th August 1931 at Imphal by cruel white rulers, the leadership of Freedom Movement falls on the shoulders of Rani Ma – then young girl of 17. She travelled length and breadth of Zeliangrong area, now scattered in all the three states of Manipur, Nagaland and Assam. She visited all the major villages of Zeliangrong community and re-organized the Freedom army. She strengthened the Freedom Army; acquired rifles and lethal weapons for her jawans and imparted rigorous military training.

Understanding the enormous energy in the women wing of human society, Rani Ma made up her mind to establish – Mahila Battalion (Women Battalion) in her Army. She collected the courageous girls of her age, gave a collective rigorous training to all of them, and whom she found brave, and recruited them in the fighting battalion. Those trainee girls, who were good in rendering service and supply, were recruited in supply division of the army and those who were good in art and culture were entrusted with the work of rejuvenation of folk song and folk culture. The night Assembly of artists, singers and folk dancers from men and women were regular feature of her activity which provided womenfolk of Naga society as great encouragement and boost for greater exposure of talents and skills of women in managing the family and social affairs of the society.

The Mahila Battalion of her Army under her command was a force to reckon with and a force most feared of. It was a great example and an ideal precedent put forth by Rani Ma that ladies too could catch hold of lethal weapons and defeat the enemy forces. She herself was a role-model for her brave Mahila Battalion. When she appeared in warrior attire with rifle in her hand in front of her Mahila Battalion in particular and her Jawans in general, a current of enormous energy used to run fast in the veins and arteries of everybody present on the scene. Her vociferous speeches poured life even in most passive persons. These made the Jawans to sacrifice everything for the freedom of the country from the British folk.

The Britishers implanted Christian Missionaries to convert her followers and thereby weaken the freedom fight. Rani Ma educated the younger generation particularly the women folk to be fully aware of the conspiracy hatched by the church. The women folk of the Naga society were most venerable to church conspiracy because of biological reasons. To prevent and protect women folk from missionary menace, Rani Ma evolved several methods to counter the conspiracy of church. Firstly, she established Mahila Battalion and instilled the energy to take up arms against anybody who wanted to suppress and snatch away the God-gifted freedom of nation, society and individuals particularly of women folk of the society. Secondly, she composed warrior song, devotional songs, love songs and songs pertaining to various rituals and rites. She taught the youths and then popularized in every strata of the society. She evolved different forms of folk dances wherein role of women folk is unavoidable.

While doing all these reformation activities in Naga society, Rani Ma was extremely conscious of self-discipline, hard work and righteousness in women folk in particular and every society in general. She could realize that mother is the nucleus of the family. She also visualized that the mother as the centre of attraction in the family and the society. Because of this realization, Rani Ma gave much emphasis on economic independence of women folk. During those days, there were no market systems every family was mostly self-dependent and self-contented. Rani Ma taught the weaving and knitting of traditional clothes and garments to promising Naga girls who could earn good amount for sustenance of their daily needs. By doing all these activities directed towards the better exposure of women folk in the field of education, farming, weaving and knitting, folk dance and folk song and so also in armed revolution, Rani Ma created women leadership in the field of management, education and even in guerrilla war.

Rani Ma’s fight for the freedom of the country from the British rule is a unique in more than one way far away from the influence and encouragement from freedom movement in mainland Bharatvarsh. Rani Ma spear- headed the revolution at her own which put her in the first row of all the revolutionaries in the country. Her role- model has encouraged millions of women throughout northeast and whole of the country to think positively, act decisively and achieve highest place of honour in the human society.

With this message and mind, she toured whole of the country and awakened the women folks. She attended second world Hindu Conference on 25, 26, 27 January 1979 at Prayagraj (Allahabad) at covalence of Ganga-Yamuna and Saraswati rivers. From the rampart of manch, She gave a clarion call to all the women folk to come forward and contribute their might in ‘nation building job’ of the society. She wrote a long letter to President of Bharat in support of ‘Freedom of Religion Bill 1978’. In addition to these, Rani Ma supported and reciprocated in befitting manner every call given by the national interests.

In recognition to her services to the nation, Government of Bharat awarded her Tamrapatra in 1972 and Padma Bhushan in 1982, She was also awarded Vivekanand Sewa Samman by Bada Bazaar Kumar Sabha Kolkatta. The Post department of Government of Bharat published a Postal stamp to commemorate her memory.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/rani-gaidinliu-her-role-in-strengthening-naga-women/

Rani Gaidinliu : Her Role in Strengthening Naga Women

By Tasile N. Zeliang Naga society is an open society. Men and women are equal… more »

By Tasile N. Zeliang
Naga society is an open society. Men and women are equal partner in wealth and smooth administration in the family. It is a nucleus family wherein a son got separated from their parents after marriage while a daughter goes with her husband after marriage. It is a patriarchal society wherein father earns livelihood and mother runs the management of the family. The mother plays significant role in major decisions pertaining to the family.

Traditionally, the social institutions and village administration were manned by men only. Even Pujari institution was generally handled by men folk. The women were far behind men in politics. Now also, there are no women MLA in Nagaland Assembly today. The number of women in government and private jobs is comparatively very less. Rani Ma- a great visionary and God-gifted divine person understood the significant role of women in building of strong Naga society.

After assassination of Haipou Jadonang on 29th August 1931 at Imphal by cruel white rulers, the leadership of Freedom Movement falls on the shoulders of Rani Ma – then young girl of 17. She travelled length and breadth of Zeliangrong area, now scattered in all the three states of Manipur, Nagaland and Assam. She visited all the major villages of Zeliangrong community and re-organized the Freedom army. She strengthened the Freedom Army; acquired rifles and lethal weapons for her jawans and imparted rigorous military training.

Understanding the enormous energy in the women wing of human society, Rani Ma made up her mind to establish – Mahila Battalion (Women Battalion) in her Army. She collected the courageous girls of her age, gave a collective rigorous training to all of them, and whom she found brave, and recruited them in the fighting battalion. Those trainee girls, who were good in rendering service and supply, were recruited in supply division of the army and those who were good in art and culture were entrusted with the work of rejuvenation of folk song and folk culture. The night Assembly of artists, singers and folk dancers from men and women were regular feature of her activity which provided womenfolk of Naga society as great encouragement and boost for greater exposure of talents and skills of women in managing the family and social affairs of the society.

The Mahila Battalion of her Army under her command was a force to reckon with and a force most feared of. It was a great example and an ideal precedent put forth by Rani Ma that ladies too could catch hold of lethal weapons and defeat the enemy forces. She herself was a role-model for her brave Mahila Battalion. When she appeared in warrior attire with rifle in her hand in front of her Mahila Battalion in particular and her Jawans in general, a current of enormous energy used to run fast in the veins and arteries of everybody present on the scene. Her vociferous speeches poured life even in most passive persons. These made the Jawans to sacrifice everything for the freedom of the country from the British folk.

The Britishers implanted Christian Missionaries to convert her followers and thereby weaken the freedom fight. Rani Ma educated the younger generation particularly the women folk to be fully aware of the conspiracy hatched by the church. The women folk of the Naga society were most venerable to church conspiracy because of biological reasons. To prevent and protect women folk from missionary menace, Rani Ma evolved several methods to counter the conspiracy of church. Firstly, she established Mahila Battalion and instilled the energy to take up arms against anybody who wanted to suppress and snatch away the God-gifted freedom of nation, society and individuals particularly of women folk of the society. Secondly, she composed warrior song, devotional songs, love songs and songs pertaining to various rituals and rites. She taught the youths and then popularized in every strata of the society. She evolved different forms of folk dances wherein role of women folk is unavoidable.

While doing all these reformation activities in Naga society, Rani Ma was extremely conscious of self-discipline, hard work and righteousness in women folk in particular and every society in general. She could realize that mother is the nucleus of the family. She also visualized that the mother as the centre of attraction in the family and the society. Because of this realization, Rani Ma gave much emphasis on economic independence of women folk. During those days, there were no market systems every family was mostly self-dependent and self-contented. Rani Ma taught the weaving and knitting of traditional clothes and garments to promising Naga girls who could earn good amount for sustenance of their daily needs. By doing all these activities directed towards the better exposure of women folk in the field of education, farming, weaving and knitting, folk dance and folk song and so also in armed revolution, Rani Ma created women leadership in the field of management, education and even in guerrilla war.

Rani Ma’s fight for the freedom of the country from the British rule is a unique in more than one way far away from the influence and encouragement from freedom movement in mainland Bharatvarsh. Rani Ma spear- headed the revolution at her own which put her in the first row of all the revolutionaries in the country. Her role- model has encouraged millions of women throughout northeast and whole of the country to think positively, act decisively and achieve highest place of honour in the human society.

With this message and mind, she toured whole of the country and awakened the women folks. She attended second world Hindu Conference on 25, 26, 27 January 1979 at Prayagraj (Allahabad) at covalence of Ganga-Yamuna and Saraswati rivers. From the rampart of manch, She gave a clarion call to all the women folk to come forward and contribute their might in ‘nation building job’ of the society. She wrote a long letter to President of Bharat in support of ‘Freedom of Religion Bill 1978’. In addition to these, Rani Ma supported and reciprocated in befitting manner every call given by the national interests.

In recognition to her services to the nation, Government of Bharat awarded her Tamrapatra in 1972 and Padma Bhushan in 1982, She was also awarded Vivekanand Sewa Samman by Bada Bazaar Kumar Sabha Kolkatta. The Post department of Government of Bharat published a Postal stamp to commemorate her memory.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/rani-gaidinliu-her-role-in-strengthening-naga-women/

What do Talks With Terrorists Mean With Violence on and Arms Still Held?

By Anil Bhat Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist… more »

By Anil Bhat
Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist groups and the entry of one in Assam to launch attacks around Independence Day, terrorists struck in Imphal.

On August 01, 2011, five persons including two girl students were killed and many were injured as a powerful bomb exploded at about 1.40 pm in front of a grocery shop and a barber`s shop, opposite Sangakpham Keithel (bazaar).

The two girls studying in Class III together at Chingmeirong Primary School  were returning home when the bomb exploded, flinging their  bodies, one of which was found inside the grocery store and the other’s in the barber shop, where the barber and his son were also killed. Another man’s body was found in front of the shop. The impact of the blast was so powerful that it ripped and charred human flesh, pulverised some vehicles and reduced the place to scattered debris.

While there are reports of this being a failed attempt by National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Nagalim-Issac – Muivah group (NSCN-IM) at targeting members of the Autonomous District Council (ADC) who are housed in a nearby guest house complex, Chief Minister Okram  Ibobi Singh and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram are reported to have endorsed the same.

A press note from the state Home Department said, “Government of Manipur has received concrete and convincing evidence which establishes the direct involvement of NSCN-IM in the series of recent violent incidents which left several innocent civilians dead and many seriously injured in various parts.” According to the Home Department one Anthony, son of Bonkulung of Sadu Koireng killed in this blast was an active NSCN-IM cadre.

Apparently, the explosion occurred moments after some vehicles of ADC members went past the blast site. The government stated that these acts of terror are quite clearly designed to thwart the democratic process taken up be the government of Manipur to introduce democratic decentralization by successfully conducting elections to the six district councils which had remained dormant for over two decades.

It may be recalled that last year the, it was on the this issue that All Manipur Naga Students Union had caused a blockade of National Highway 39, Manipur’s main artery, which had extended to three months by Thuingaleng Muivah timing his visit his home town in Manipur after almost forty years.

Almost all the schools located in the valley districts of Manipur staged protest demonstrations and rallies decrying the Sangakpham bomb attack. On Tidim Road, thousands of school students took out a joint protest rally.

One group which has been most vocal is the All Manipur United Clubs’ Organisation (AMUCO), which, while listing a number of violent incidents allegedly involving the NSCN -IM, including the recent bomb blast, accused both the Central and State Governments of being soft towards this rebel group. Contending that inaction against the NSCN (IM), inspite of its involvement in various incidents of violence clearly suggests indirect support of both the Governments to the NSCN-IM, AMUCO president KT Rahman demanded that effective measures be initiated to curb activities of the outfit in Manipur. Speaking to media he is reported to have stated that as the ongoing ceasefire between the Government of India and the NSCN-IM does not cover Manipur, not only should the illegal activities of the NSCN (IM) need to be dealt with according to law but also all that its camps in the State should be shut-down.

He further  stated that the ongoing peace parleys between the NSCN (IM) and Govt of India have been reduced to a mockery as the NSCN-IM is still involved in acts of terrorism, highway extortion, destruction of public properties and intimidation. Mentioning the Sangakpham blast, killing of a couple in Lungphu village of Phungyar sub-division (Ukhrul) and slaying of security personnel of Phungyar AC MLA’s escort party as recent cases involving the terrorist group, he blamed the Govt of Manipur by recounting a particular incident when weapons seized by State security forces near Pallel were returned to the outfit along with its apprehended cadres.

Rahman, while asserting that terrorist attacks in Mumbai and Manipur should be measured by the same yardstick and  grimly noting failure of the Home Minister to visit Manipur and assess the overall situation following the Sangakpham blast, commented  that that such an attitude demonstrated the Govt of India’s step-motherly treatment to the people of Manipur.

Chronicling a number of attacks by NSCN-IM since at least April this year, the Home Department said that the state government is seriously considering taking up the matter with the Central government to revoke the ceasefire with NSCN-IM due to these continuous and open acts of terrorism being committed by it.

While violence by the number of Meitei terrorist groups in Manipur has been reported much since the arrest of United National Liberation Front’s boss-man, RK Meghen, many of its cadres earlier in Bangladesh and now in Burma/Myanmar are being rallied together by Chinese intelligence, there is no saying how and when they will strike again.

In Assam, as the pro talk faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA)’s seven-member team of seasoned hit-men led by its ‘chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa submitted the charter of demands prepared by the Sanmilito Jatiya Abhivartan (SJA) under the leadership of noted intellectual Dr Hiren Gohain, to Ministry of Home Affairs, their anti-talks colleague Paresh Baruah is all set to keep Assam on the boil yet again.

ULFA’s bid to strike came to light when the Assam Rifles apprehended hardcore ULFA leader Rwittick Hazarika in Sonitpur district bordering Arunachal Pradesh recently. He confessed before police that a group of harcore ULFA cadres have come down to Assam to strike at the instance of Paresh Baruah. Hazarika ‘second lieutenant’ in the ULFA’s 27 battalion, was arrest was a day after the Union Home Ministry’s advisory to Assam to step up security in view of the ULFA’s martyrs’ day on July 27.

The seven-member ULFA team met Home Minister P Chidambaram in the presence of Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi, Home Secretary R K Singh and other senior officials and the as reported in media quoting a source, “The meetings will give fresh impetus to the peace process in Assam as the charter of demands will be the basis of dialogue with the ULFA.”.

Although the contents of the charter have not been disclosed, as earlier reported, the SJA charter demands Constitutional amendments to give Assam, and thereby its people greater control over their own future by strengthening the State`s power to control the revenues generated, the natural resources, and the planning process and ensure a secure demographic situation as well as accelerated and balanced development. Gohain had earlier said, “If the government of India and the ULFA honour the Charter in letter and spirit and do not undersell it, we may look forward to untroubled peace, true development, and vigorous growth of democracy in the region.” SJA noted that the present calm does not at all mean the return of peace.

One aspect of the charter about ensuring a secure demographic situation, ironically stands greatly compromised, thanks to the ULFA, who during the stay of its top honchos in Bangladesh for almost two decades had actually aided and speeded up the illegal migration from Bangladesh, contradicting the very basis of its rise following the bloody Assam agitation of 1983.

This writer’s book Assam Terrorism and the Demographic Challenge (Knowledge World and Centre for Land Warfare Studies) elaborates on how ULFA became an effective tool of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence organisation’s set-up (based in Bangladesh during Kheleda Zia’s tenure), pursuing its aim of inducting and settling illegal Bangladeshi migrants in various parts of Assam; of raising new madrassas and controlling old ones; trying to convert ethnic Assamese Muslims to fundamentalism; creating communal tension; circulating fake Indian currency; trafficking arms and narcotics; sabotaging installations and generally spreading terror.

Talks with terrorists are fine but must meaningfully lead to permanent eradication of violence by the group and must be undertaken after securing all its weapons and ammunition.  In both the cases of NSCN-IM and ULFA that has not been done. Besides, both these groups have factions / leaders / members already guilty of anti-Indian activities and more expected, that too now with China’s support in addition to Pakistan military’s. Both these groups are also involved in supplying arms to Naxal-Maoists. In the case of talks with ULFA, if Anup Chetia is going to be handed over by Bangladesh as part of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government’s goodwill, then the Centre may consider waiting till Paresh Baruah is caught-he must be caught, interrogated and disarmed- and then hold talks purposefully.

Last but certainly not least, what about ULFA leaders/cadres guilty of heinous crimes against innocent people? If merely their ‘apologies’ are to be accepted and they overnight turn in good ‘mainstream’ citizens, then we might as well free all murderers in death-rows.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/what-do-talks-with-terrorists-mean-with-violence-on-and-arms-still-held/

What do Talks With Terrorists Mean With Violence on and Arms Still Held?

By Anil Bhat Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist… more »

By Anil Bhat
Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist groups and the entry of one in Assam to launch attacks around Independence Day, terrorists struck in Imphal.

On August 01, 2011, five persons including two girl students were killed and many were injured as a powerful bomb exploded at about 1.40 pm in front of a grocery shop and a barber`s shop, opposite Sangakpham Keithel (bazaar).

The two girls studying in Class III together at Chingmeirong Primary School  were returning home when the bomb exploded, flinging their  bodies, one of which was found inside the grocery store and the other’s in the barber shop, where the barber and his son were also killed. Another man’s body was found in front of the shop. The impact of the blast was so powerful that it ripped and charred human flesh, pulverised some vehicles and reduced the place to scattered debris.

While there are reports of this being a failed attempt by National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Nagalim-Issac – Muivah group (NSCN-IM) at targeting members of the Autonomous District Council (ADC) who are housed in a nearby guest house complex, Chief Minister Okram  Ibobi Singh and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram are reported to have endorsed the same.

A press note from the state Home Department said, “Government of Manipur has received concrete and convincing evidence which establishes the direct involvement of NSCN-IM in the series of recent violent incidents which left several innocent civilians dead and many seriously injured in various parts.” According to the Home Department one Anthony, son of Bonkulung of Sadu Koireng killed in this blast was an active NSCN-IM cadre.

Apparently, the explosion occurred moments after some vehicles of ADC members went past the blast site. The government stated that these acts of terror are quite clearly designed to thwart the democratic process taken up be the government of Manipur to introduce democratic decentralization by successfully conducting elections to the six district councils which had remained dormant for over two decades.

It may be recalled that last year the, it was on the this issue that All Manipur Naga Students Union had caused a blockade of National Highway 39, Manipur’s main artery, which had extended to three months by Thuingaleng Muivah timing his visit his home town in Manipur after almost forty years.

Almost all the schools located in the valley districts of Manipur staged protest demonstrations and rallies decrying the Sangakpham bomb attack. On Tidim Road, thousands of school students took out a joint protest rally.

One group which has been most vocal is the All Manipur United Clubs’ Organisation (AMUCO), which, while listing a number of violent incidents allegedly involving the NSCN -IM, including the recent bomb blast, accused both the Central and State Governments of being soft towards this rebel group. Contending that inaction against the NSCN (IM), inspite of its involvement in various incidents of violence clearly suggests indirect support of both the Governments to the NSCN-IM, AMUCO president KT Rahman demanded that effective measures be initiated to curb activities of the outfit in Manipur. Speaking to media he is reported to have stated that as the ongoing ceasefire between the Government of India and the NSCN-IM does not cover Manipur, not only should the illegal activities of the NSCN (IM) need to be dealt with according to law but also all that its camps in the State should be shut-down.

He further  stated that the ongoing peace parleys between the NSCN (IM) and Govt of India have been reduced to a mockery as the NSCN-IM is still involved in acts of terrorism, highway extortion, destruction of public properties and intimidation. Mentioning the Sangakpham blast, killing of a couple in Lungphu village of Phungyar sub-division (Ukhrul) and slaying of security personnel of Phungyar AC MLA’s escort party as recent cases involving the terrorist group, he blamed the Govt of Manipur by recounting a particular incident when weapons seized by State security forces near Pallel were returned to the outfit along with its apprehended cadres.

Rahman, while asserting that terrorist attacks in Mumbai and Manipur should be measured by the same yardstick and  grimly noting failure of the Home Minister to visit Manipur and assess the overall situation following the Sangakpham blast, commented  that that such an attitude demonstrated the Govt of India’s step-motherly treatment to the people of Manipur.

Chronicling a number of attacks by NSCN-IM since at least April this year, the Home Department said that the state government is seriously considering taking up the matter with the Central government to revoke the ceasefire with NSCN-IM due to these continuous and open acts of terrorism being committed by it.

While violence by the number of Meitei terrorist groups in Manipur has been reported much since the arrest of United National Liberation Front’s boss-man, RK Meghen, many of its cadres earlier in Bangladesh and now in Burma/Myanmar are being rallied together by Chinese intelligence, there is no saying how and when they will strike again.

In Assam, as the pro talk faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA)’s seven-member team of seasoned hit-men led by its ‘chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa submitted the charter of demands prepared by the Sanmilito Jatiya Abhivartan (SJA) under the leadership of noted intellectual Dr Hiren Gohain, to Ministry of Home Affairs, their anti-talks colleague Paresh Baruah is all set to keep Assam on the boil yet again.

ULFA’s bid to strike came to light when the Assam Rifles apprehended hardcore ULFA leader Rwittick Hazarika in Sonitpur district bordering Arunachal Pradesh recently. He confessed before police that a group of harcore ULFA cadres have come down to Assam to strike at the instance of Paresh Baruah. Hazarika ‘second lieutenant’ in the ULFA’s 27 battalion, was arrest was a day after the Union Home Ministry’s advisory to Assam to step up security in view of the ULFA’s martyrs’ day on July 27.

The seven-member ULFA team met Home Minister P Chidambaram in the presence of Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi, Home Secretary R K Singh and other senior officials and the as reported in media quoting a source, “The meetings will give fresh impetus to the peace process in Assam as the charter of demands will be the basis of dialogue with the ULFA.”.

Although the contents of the charter have not been disclosed, as earlier reported, the SJA charter demands Constitutional amendments to give Assam, and thereby its people greater control over their own future by strengthening the State`s power to control the revenues generated, the natural resources, and the planning process and ensure a secure demographic situation as well as accelerated and balanced development. Gohain had earlier said, “If the government of India and the ULFA honour the Charter in letter and spirit and do not undersell it, we may look forward to untroubled peace, true development, and vigorous growth of democracy in the region.” SJA noted that the present calm does not at all mean the return of peace.

One aspect of the charter about ensuring a secure demographic situation, ironically stands greatly compromised, thanks to the ULFA, who during the stay of its top honchos in Bangladesh for almost two decades had actually aided and speeded up the illegal migration from Bangladesh, contradicting the very basis of its rise following the bloody Assam agitation of 1983.

This writer’s book Assam Terrorism and the Demographic Challenge (Knowledge World and Centre for Land Warfare Studies) elaborates on how ULFA became an effective tool of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence organisation’s set-up (based in Bangladesh during Kheleda Zia’s tenure), pursuing its aim of inducting and settling illegal Bangladeshi migrants in various parts of Assam; of raising new madrassas and controlling old ones; trying to convert ethnic Assamese Muslims to fundamentalism; creating communal tension; circulating fake Indian currency; trafficking arms and narcotics; sabotaging installations and generally spreading terror.

Talks with terrorists are fine but must meaningfully lead to permanent eradication of violence by the group and must be undertaken after securing all its weapons and ammunition.  In both the cases of NSCN-IM and ULFA that has not been done. Besides, both these groups have factions / leaders / members already guilty of anti-Indian activities and more expected, that too now with China’s support in addition to Pakistan military’s. Both these groups are also involved in supplying arms to Naxal-Maoists. In the case of talks with ULFA, if Anup Chetia is going to be handed over by Bangladesh as part of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government’s goodwill, then the Centre may consider waiting till Paresh Baruah is caught-he must be caught, interrogated and disarmed- and then hold talks purposefully.

Last but certainly not least, what about ULFA leaders/cadres guilty of heinous crimes against innocent people? If merely their ‘apologies’ are to be accepted and they overnight turn in good ‘mainstream’ citizens, then we might as well free all murderers in death-rows.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/what-do-talks-with-terrorists-mean-with-violence-on-and-arms-still-held/

The state has bleed enough

By  Brojen Sinam There is nothing more pitiful than the forced life style that has… more »

By  Brojen Sinam
There is nothing more pitiful than the forced life style that has to be adhered to by the majority of the population of this state during this era. The infrastructure are basic and perpetually deprived which has caused a setback in achieving any decent means of a livelihood for many of the citizens, while at the same time, a handful enjoy rapid financial capacity without a known source, on which no one dares wink an eye.

What should one capture from such a situation? Is it that such governance has existed since time immemorial? What form of governance are the people opting for? If it is for a democratic form of governance, are the people really aware of their shortcomings? If the people are indeed aware, then how does the government manage to take the vast majority for a ride, escalating in geometrical proportion without an intermittent gap, till the present day?

It would seem only the people with the financial capacity to lure the voters are appropriate for the present trend for representing the people. Are the people conscious of the ideology of a particular political party that is it still significant in the state? Why is it that the manifestoes of any political parties have no more value to the electorate? Why is the focus more on creditable political candidates, than on credible political parties? Why is it that the trend of the elected should be hell bent to occupy a sit in, on power?

It would seem that power mongers are those that are only concerned for a particular group of people who have the capacity to pay the cost for favour without integrity? If things are done according to the rules and policies as allocated by the provisions, then only can each and every one share the responsibility equally. There would not be the necessity for any type of mongering. The problem in the present scenario is just to be in authority, without taking on the responsibilities. Mis-, mal-, non-, the prefixes have become well-known to anything that the authorities have ever tried to accomplish without any sense of responsibility.

Corruption is the very outcome of these irresponsible representatives, who have time and again chanted the same mantra as being the greatest challenge. Yet, have no real determination to solve, preferring instead to point their fingers at their predecessor. Have any of the successors brought a positive change in a progressive way over that of his predecessor. All but is a sham without intention to rectify, thus nothing more than the rise in corruption.

These are the known facts to each and everyone whether in the high or low political profile. The aim of finding a scapegoat or a sacrificial lamb has become very common in order to evade their responsibilities. Tactics and techniques for manipulation are not difficult to those with bad intention.

Also, the so called law makers and their representatives are comfortable leaving the law as toothless as it is to curb unwanted corruption that they have been chanting whenever they are present in the public domain. They are perfect in belittling public opinion but hopeless in perfecting anything worth their promises.

Notwithstanding the fact that the major hindrance to sustainable development, with a disproportionate impact on poor communities and it`s corrosiveness on the very fabric of society, is corruption.

Corruption is leading to the siphoning off, of funds needed for the basic infrastructure, for which the people have to bear the cost. Clear evidence of this is the poor maintenance of roads which subsequently add to more than 25 per cent, to be compensated for the extra fuel and time consumed. Electricity and water are no better, any regular business enterprise would have to spend 250 per cent more, which either it will reflect to its end product or will have to close for uncompetitive cost.

Who is responsible for causing these effects and who benefits from all these losses? The ones whom we have considered capable of taking responsibility to chalk out and control the system, for good governance is being a total failure to the wishes of the people. It would seem that these handful of people who are in politics, encouraging “bribery as a crores industry” are going to make life miserable for all the community who still fail to realise their sinister design. The most amazing mockery of all time is the sign board displayed in some of the government offices with ‘Don’t give bribes’ where it is very prone and nothing will be done without it. Nothing in this state is following what is committed. It is always found that whatever pronounced in the public is either not informed or has any relevant with the concern department who are to experdite.  

In advanced nations or nations where there are right thinking leaders, policies are framed to enable sustainable margins at a minimum cost. Whereas in this state due to the additional cost of many other factors, the end cost – retail price – is the highest. This makes maintaining a sustainable margin for the producer virtually impossible.

The government somehow copies those practicable policies but not to solve the problems with a holistic approach, rather to be manipulated for their own vested interests. Are there any subsidies for transport for a land locked area like Manipur, which incurs the highest transportation cost as compare to any other part of the world? If there are, how are they implemented to benefit the common people?

It has become too vivid for the common people, without any vested interest, to understand where and how such subsidies for transport, power, etc., have been spent? Subsidies are a component to maintain a comparable market rate and to enable competitive end prices of our producers, with that of other producers outside the state of Manipur.

A simple example would be the price of an egg. Can anyone from this state sell an egg produced on their farm below Rs 7/-? In comparison the price of the same egg sold from outside the state is no more than Rs 4/- under any circumstances. Why this disparity in prices? The answer is because the government fails to capacitate the state producers, by not reaching out with facilities to enable them to compete with the rest of the producers of other states. On the contrarily taxes are levied on live stock feed imported from outside the state when the end users are the farmer of the land, whom government should give maximum facilities to enable to compete others without affecting their sustainable margin. 

Words without deeds will fail to render change of any significance while the state government continues to fool the people of this state with empty words & promises. A chain reaction of a continuous vicious circle of constant increase in rates, which have been created out of this extra financial burden of bribery, has impeded severely the economy as a whole.

Actual costs of raw material, transportation and administration, plus sustainable margins, coupled with other costs all comprise a main component of the input cost to a farmer. Any change in any of the components will effect to reduce that margin. To increase it to a sustainable margin the retail price would have to be enhance, which will then reflect in the other component costs.

The only mechanism to check this vicious circle is by introducing direct system to reach the subsidy component, free from interference from corruptible elements, to the target groups. When the above costs tend to rise constantly due to the presence of highly volatile and uncontrollable market factors, this discourages the state farmers to a great extent. Thus, when producers in the state are perpetually in a forced occupation, they have a high tendency to drift to more sustainable earnings. Depriving its essential producers of a decent livelihood and forcing its citizens to live & work with a constant shortage of power – example we get power for 13 out of 48 hours – is an un-favourable state of affairs for any nation or state that wants to be seen as progressive.

Even as a lay person without being a professional on the subject, one can clearly observe that a high percentage of the population is not able to make savings for any eventuality. Though there may be many reasons for this, the incapability to earn with comparison to the high expenditure one has to bear for a modern life style cannot be ignored.

Example, let’s take it for granted that even Indian Economy does not entitle, the lowest wage earner, say Rs 200/ with all odd work for 20 days a month for an ideal family having four members, to meet their basic requirements.

For the use of cooking, gas which is government controlled at Rs 415.50 with regular consumer connection of one, generally takes 3 to 4 months to get one refill replaced. That is 2 to 3 months after, booking after 21 days of the last issue. If anybody uses the LPG gas of 14.5 kg gas in the cylinder in less than 4 months, it means an extra budget for black market prices. How many can make it last for more than a month and how many have more than 4 consumer connections, to avoid gas from black market rates which ranges from Rs 600 to Rs 1800? To get it booked and to get it issued most people have to stand in queues for not less than one hour respectively. If this lost time is converted into a cash value along with the conveyance cost of the entire consumer, less than half the total sum can render the same amount of service to the consumer and also generate additional employment to the unemployed.

Uncontrolled items are much more reasonable although some are higher than other neighboring states due to the high cost of transport and others factors.

On Education, Government Schools are only left for their name sake, where no sensible parents opt for their uncertain control of quality due to unreasonable interference. The blessing in disguise is the private Schools and the employment generated for teachers who are employed with meager sums managed from the fees collected from those desirous of quality education. An increase in the pay scale of the teachers of these creditable schools will be directly proportionate to the fees which may not be within the capability of most parents. The role of government aid would have been significant in satisfying both ends but will not be possible for various reasons. Due to uncontrollable situations created over decades and with no determination to check and rectify the usage of government aid, an impossible situation has resulted, both for the schools & teachers.

Essential Electricity Power, phenomenal shortage of 73% is ridiculous, 13 hrs (alternately 8 hrs and 5 hrs a day) out of 48 hrs. With collections of flat tariffs with system of calibrating the consumption is virtually abolished, which anyone can rest assure is not followed anywhere in the world. If anybody hopes to keep his home lighted and wants to have modern gadgets for leisure or want a stable supply for a business, then a set of backup is inevitable. To be sure that not very many can afford the backup and no matter how deprived one may be, one still has to bear the expense of candles costing not less than Rs 20, on a daily basis which adds up to Rs 600 per month over and above the electricity tariff of Rs 410 monthly.

Water, an essential life supporting element is another which has become scarce in a land receiving sufficient rainfall. Systems for a low cost pipeline supply of water to each household, has been a total failure and neglected. Not to mention of hot water supplies through pipelines, as in most developed countries, which help considerable reduction of consumption of energy. A mode of portable water also compounds the expenses and for many households, adds additional time and labour.

Using the road for traverse is another nightmare. Comfort is out of question, whereas the durability of any mode of transportation is questionable. Undulated road surfaces forbid economical speed, thereby consumption of excess fuel, high rate of depreciation as well as a longer time to reach ones destination is foreseeable.

Roles of organizational capabilities have been ignored and have been politically motivated. This dilutes the significance of its contribution in promoting the desired progress. Without it the proper functioning of the said organization in the prescribed norm, will allow the vested interest of the leaders to point their fingers at the people for not giving their essential support. Local bodies on social or economic developments are not monitored in a proper manner, therefore the incentive to harness the potential of local people is totally void. Government policy makers are yet to realize that all their resources will not be sufficient without the support of the people.

The dilemma is that a minimum of incentive on a particular development program, through careful organization, would have benefited multi fold, has been disregarded. Promoting & developing a sense of community ownership by the youth, through proper guidelines could help bring a drastic change in a society, which unfortunately has been overlooked and neglected. No department or authority has ever been concerned or taken the matter seriously in order to bring about any significant progress in this field. Tapping the potential of the youth of the state can contribute in saving considerable resources. The resourcefulness of the youth has been witnessed from time immemorial at local level, without much appreciation from the government, apart from some halfhearted initiation from Municipal Council, way back. A resource that would have contributed in bringing great change and progress were abolished due to mismanagement and corrupt practices.

What else more worst can be mentioned about the infrastructure when it is beyond all limits. And mind you this is not all, administration is far worst than one can ever experience in one’s lifetime. Displacement of habitation without an iota of consideration for rehabilitation, fake encounter with arm forces excesses at itse highest rate, extortion by the personal in uniforms, conspiring and victimizing uprights officials while those proven guilty still thrive. Government machineries that should be of highest virtue of trust cannot be trusted anymore. Testimonials of all these are already on the dailies of the state.

Grievances in many folds were snub at the buds without redressing what so ever. Such obstinate attitudes of the government have always invite uproar from the public and causes unrest frequently disturbing the normal life and drastically affecting the economy of the daily wage earners. While hampering the normal process of the government offices, performance as it is were far below one’s expectation. If there were any settlement through understanding, turns out to be a farce and non committal. In the event to get the clearance of any plan will have to be a herculean job, running from pillar to post without certainty having to drain out heavy burden on one’s resources. These are the Hallmark of the state government which should have a backlash from the people for having created a heavy toll on the economy of the state.

If one has to assess all these facts, to decipher how much one has to spend in excess, due to the mismanagement, nonfunctional or malpractice of the relevant authorities and how these factors can disable or incapacitate one of one’s human right to a decent life.

All these have compounded to cause a huge lost in the state resource, in terms of improper or injudicious utilization of human resources available in the state. Focusing only on funds to spend on project alone will not improve the economy of the general public. To introduced and preserve a lower cost of transport system, distribution systems along with time factors are constituent part of development.

Though these facts are aware by each and every citizen of Manipur, not many have initiated for a change as though the outcome of an election is inevitable regardless of their input. The state does in no way lack expert people to rectify all these problems but it does definitely lack leaders with integrity. Therefore until and unless the majority of the deprive section of the society does not act at this, the right time during the election, to identify and elect person of integrity who has the aptitude to show care and concern of the fellow citizen, the status quo will remain. The electorate needs to rise up and show their power and strength in bringing a better change of the state. When the state is in good progress, only then all the grievances and uproar from various section of the society shall also be resolve. Now is the right time for the people of this great state to show that they will not tolerate these nuisances any longer.

NO POLITICAL PARTY SHOULD BE RE-ELECTED IF INDULGE OR ENCOURAGE CORRUPTION. NO MATTER HOW MUCH FUND IT CAN GARNER FOR THE STATE. BECAUSE THE DISPARITY IT CREATES WILL ONLY BE TOO VOLATILE TO CONTAIN FOR A PEACEFUL EXISTENCE.

A time for soul searching and time to heal the bleeding

Manipur could be beautiful if that beauty can be reflected from our soul.

VOTE FOR A CHANGE

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/the-state-has-bleed-enough/

Church Response To Politics

By  Rev. L. Simon Raomai Pastor, MBC Centre Church The Hebrew word Qohal (meaning, assembly)… more »

By  Rev. L. Simon Raomai
Pastor, MBC Centre Church
The Hebrew word Qohal (meaning, assembly) is considered to be a proper meaning of the Church. The Greek word ecclesia (…meaning, called out…) was accepted by the New Testament writers in order to give the true meaning of the Church. Our main concern however is, not what the best meaning of the Church is, but the responsibility of the Church in relation to human life.God becoming man is the centre of theological reflection and action, especially the incarnate life and work of Christ based on love which is the chief criterion in establishing a good social relationship as it is God-man relationship.

As it had been in God’s plan, Jesus Christ was called out for an awesome responsibility, so too was the Church called out for a purpose. Therefore, forming an Apostolic body or establishing a Church body was to execute the plans and commands Jesus Christ left for us. For this purpose, Jesus came preaching good news to the poor; forgiving the sins of men; healing the sick; proclaiming liberty to the oppressed and release to the captives (Luke 1:18,19). This is what the Lord of the Church did. Many people consider the Kingdom of God as a small part of human concern, but in a sound theology, political Kingdom is a small part in God’s Kingdom. Thus, the Church and politics are like two rooms under a single roof, which is the Kingdom of God.

As we all know the term politics was first used by Aristotle. It is derived from the Greek word ‘Polis’ which means city. To the Greeks, the city was the State where all human problems were dealt with. So, politics is an art dealing with how people should live together in peace and harmony and in co-operate in matters of common interest.

An Athenian’s interest was all centred in the city. His art was civics; his religion, as far as it was concerned was not related to family matter; Politics was the religion of the city and his religions festivals were civics celebrations. Therefore, to the Greeks, the city was a life in common; its institution, as Aristotle said, was a mode of life. The fundamental thought in all Greek political philosophies was the harmony of the common life (ethics, social, economics etc.)

The root cause of many evils in our society is no doubt, politics. This result in making many people considers politics as an instrument of Satan. In fact, they fail to realise that politics is also a vital part of divine creation. God instituted this sacred institution through His servants Adam, Abraham, Moses et.al.In the Old Testament, we find God as a political God. He involved in politics when He liberated the People of Israel through His servant Moses from Egypt and led them to Canaan, the Promised Land. That was how they come to know “Yahweh” as their God. For Israel, this was an experience of liberation. Some historians suggest that the history of Israel was a political drama where God and Israel were co-actors.

In the New Testament, we find this liberation idea was reaffirmed by Jesus Christ, Our Lord (Luke 4:18)and by the statement of Paul, “All authority is from God.” (Romans 13:1).Jesus was one of the greatest politicians who ever lived on the face of the Earth, reforming and transforming the society with love and justice. Like Daniel and Joseph, the exemplary politicians and the icons of the youths in the Bible, Politicians should be God fearing, which is the pre-requisite criterion of a good politician. Political leaders without this indispensible quality are not worthy to be the leaders of the people, for they are the immediate stewards of God, the provider of all human needs. As we are at the threshold of the 10th Legislative Assembly Election of Manipur, the politicians are all geared up and busy campaigning for the election, while the general public is under the grip of the election mania. Election is the most talked-about topic of the hour and almost everywhere, everybody is affected with election fever.

Everybody may not be involved in politics but politics involves us. Many unwanted incidents are taken place. Politics therefore, in our context is said to be a dirty game and often the politicians are accused to be responsible for it. Mal-practices of the Government have become a burning issue which no doubt,is a reality. In a democratic country, like ours, the politicians are the representativesand servants of the people. We are to elect servants to serve the people not kings to be served. They are rather to be the servants of the people. However, it is contrary to our context. Politics seems to have become a game of money and power. It is also becoming party politics,even narrowing down to village, clan or family politics. Very interestingly the politicians worship the voters (people) before election in order to win their votes and vice-versa. Corruption is one of the aspects, many politicians buy votes while ignorant people sell their rights for money during election without realising that the future of our society is determined by how one votes. So, one has to buy back his/her rightin hundred-fold measure that has been sold for few Rupees.

In other words, politics has become means to make money almost everybody is obedient to money which drives and rules the society today. As such, the people with polluted ambitions have no right to expect an unpolluted government. Today, the majority of our people prefer a politician who does not have an aversion to unlawful practices for their benefits than a politician who abides by the rules and regulations of the government. Similarly, even many Christians give their first preference to a government which receives them with approbation and is ready to meet our selfish desire instead of a just and unpolluted government.

In fact, to be a politician is not at all a privilege to earn popularity, to be in power or to make money at the expense of the public rather he/she has a great responsibility to do for the society. In a free and fair election, “free give” and “free take” system should be the political ethics. We should vote by ballots not by bullets. Man must not yield to money power. No doubt the Democratic principles are good but the practises are not fair. Coercion and violence are against the principles of the Bible.

Taking all these facts into consideration, the church should no longer remain a silent spectator but raise a prophetic voice against the evil elements. I, therefore, appeal to all the Christians and right thinking citizens of our state to join hands in eradicating all vices from the soil of Manipur by electing a person of moral integrity, “A man after God’s own heart.”

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/church-response-to-politics/

Pillar of Knowledge Practices in Manipur

By: G.S.Oinam In democracy, people will get the government they desired. Quality of the voters… more »

By: G.S.Oinam
In democracy, people will get the government they desired. Quality of the voters will determine the quality of elected representatives. Political leaders can lead the crowd but they can’t be a dictator. Political atmosphere can be change overnight. After throughout reading of the election manifestos of political parties and bio data of candidates of state assembly election, state political thinkers have viewed that state would require mentors to improve the political economy in the state. Politics as “a career” is possible in the state only after political parties have vision, well organisational setup and financially sound; most possibly after government have approved the policy of state funding for election. Election manifestos are goals and objectives of the political party to be achieved within five years. But, Election manifestos are not a vision; vision is the statement that should be a vivid and inspiring description of what the organization will be and do at some point in the future generally long term prospective say 10-20 years. Well, state have discussed about issue politics, of course, election manifestos are the objectives of the political party to solve the state political issue, economic and social problem of the state. However, we must look at what’s already in place? What is still missing? What should be done? Who is responsible for what? Well, Election code of conduct “Do and Don’t” has given certain restriction to our expressing but we can give you guidelines how to chose your right representatives and fair election practices.

To answer the following questions, we must look at candidates’ profiles and political party’s manifestoes. Then ask–Define yourself. Why should I vote to you?  Are you a team player? What are your preferences –power, money, service, national feeling? What is your philosophy towards work?  If so, what is your strategy to achieve your target and objectives? Explain how you would be an asset to us? Do your skills match this political job or another job more closely action. Tell about your ability to work under pressure. Describe your political management style and work ethic. Do you think you are overqualified for this position? How do you like to handle it if your top political leader is wrong? We believe that these behavioral questions will able to choose your right candidate.

Don’t worry! Even, you have chosen wrong representatives. I have written about 350 pages project proposal in 2 months on Information and knowledge management centre to bring social order and innovative idea creation in the state. Manipur will require at least four pillars for developmental challenges and peaceful process. I will prepare to complete writing for second pillar and structural reforms on the next year; which will enable to solve your traffic congestion and green urban legend. We must be conscious about climate and environmental changes. For time being, traffic police has to suffer and take care of city and special traffic arrangement shall be made for Palace compound area which has many theatres like Bheigyachandra Open Air theatre, Iboyaima Sumang Lila theatre, Hapta Kangjeipung (mela ground), newly constructed city centre, Manipur Film Development Society’s hall and Art and Culture Department’s Theatre etc. These theatres are  all thousands of crowd pulling if run at full swing ; beside, Jagnath Ratha Yatra from Palace and goers to Shree Shree Gobindaji Temple, and Mahabali Temple shall not be disturb. How far is Hospital from Palace Compound? How many minutes will take to reach nearest hospital? Is ambulance readily available in case of emergency? Do you know why I am asking this question? You can’t blame it only to politician.

No matter, even state government does not hire me; I would hire state government. No matter, DIPR officials do not co-operate me in the project preparation of Information and Knowledge Management Centre; I shall cooperate DIPR.

DIPR will be one of the most powerful and important department in the state with this I&KMC project. Of course, recently state has developed a wing of “media censorship and certification” to prevent local media from bills board practices. However, authorities do not give any better input to the local media for people education.

I&KMC project will work together with local media, NGOs, lawyers, local intellectuals to deliver knowledge and skills to the people. For which research, training and awareness programmes has been included in the project writing. All programmes are SMART (specific, measurable, accountable, realistic and time bound). We use SMART programme to achieve our objectives. SWOT analysis (strength, weakness, opportunity and threat) are usually done at the time of comparison. A very special programme “Know Your Tribe- Know Your Manipur” programme will attract everybody. Base line survey will be conducted to identify the skills of educated unemployed persons and MGNRGA job card holders. To improve the required skills for your favourite service sector job, “explore your talent, acquire your skills, secure your job and deliver exceptional value to the country” programme will be organised in all districts of Manipur. I &KMC will look for job creation in the state—business climax and business practices are important indicators for service sector job creation. A way will be find out to improve the unorganized service sectors to organised service sectors. Right skills right job has to be given by MGNREGA. Presently, under the MGNREGA, a singer is used to dig a wall. A post graduate job card holder is used to road construction labour works. Finally, complain cases of using JCP machine instead of job card holders had came to the notice of law court. Under the MGNREGA, law practitioners are using to provide legal literacy to the rural people at a minimum budget of Rs 3000/- per programme. In such a way, graduate / post graduate job card holders can be used for educational programme. Singers and artists can be used in singing and arts class.

I will slow dawn my speed at 60 miles/hr; and you have to speed up at 60 miles/hr, if you are willing to be a team member of I & KMC; we will have no different, big or small. From that starting point of speed 60, we will work together to achieve the target at the speed of 85-100 miles /hour. Please satisfy if your team is able to achieve target at 85-98% because this is a team work and it requires team coordination, team combination, work culture; and also, we are working in Manipur. Beside, no man is perfect.

The terms information management and knowledge management are used very inconsistently in theory and in practice. This is due to ignorance and tactical reasons. The latter holds true, for consultants and IT firms trying to market often old services and products under a new label. However, this is also partly valid for science. Knowledge management has a wider perspective working toward raising the creativity of the organization`s staff. Knowledge Management (KM) is a concept in which an enterprise gathers, organizes, shares, and analyzes its knowledge in terms of resources, documents, innovations and people skills. KM involves data mining and some method of operation to push information to users. Knowledge management can also be a business process that formalizes management and leverage of a firm`s intellectual assets.

Information systems and business informatics can be attributed to the management of information technology. Organizational and management sciences deal primarily with knowledge management (in a narrow sense). The management of (codified) information and the study of information use are the domains of records management and library and information science. From a narrow point of view, data management is equated with information management. Even though information management is perceived as more comprehensive by nearly all authors, data management is one essential component of technology-oriented information management.

The World Bank Institute’s Knowledge for Development Program (K4D) helps build the capacity of client countries to access and use knowledge to become more competitive and improve growth and welfare. K4D helps client countries assess how they compare with others in their ability to compete in the global knowledge economy. It has developed a four-pillar framework that countries can use as the basis for their transition to a knowledge economy.

Pillar 1–Economic and Institutional Regime
Pillar 2–Education and Skills
Pillar 3–Information and Communication Infrastructure
Pillar 4 — Innovation System.

The application of knowledge—as manifested in entrepreneurship and innovation, research and development, and software and product design—is one of the key sources of growth in the global economy.

But many developing countries fail to tap the vast stock of global knowledge and apply it to their needs. They need not deny themselves this vital tool for growth. By building on their strengths and carefully planning appropriate investments in human capital, effective institutions, relevant communications technologies, and innovative and competitive enterprises, developing countries can capitalize on the knowledge revolution.

The most commonly cited of the KAM’s (Knowledge Asset Management or Knowledge Acquisition and Modeling) several indexes is the Knowledge Economy Index (KEI)—a broad measure of the overall level of preparedness of a country or region for the knowledge economy. The KEI summarizes each country’s performance on 12 variables corresponding to the four knowledge economy pillars. India stood at top 100 rank of Knowledge Economy Index 2008, World Bank Institution.

Do you know what is the height of Napoleon Bonaparte; “the little corporal”?   This was the British war propaganda to make him short because he was very successful in leading his army in several victories, resulting in France`s dominance in Europe; in actual height, Napoleon Bonaparte was 5 feet 6 and one half inches or 1.7 meters tall in British measurement. He is taller than an average British height. His weight was 172 lbs. No matter, state political leaders can be trained to mend their style of management. They are not worse as you think but they need your support to make them good. Please don’t play fault game to win power.

According to “Morung Express,” Nagaland local newspaper‘s opinion poll on “Do you trust and believe in the present generation of Naga leaders;” 84% says “No” 6% says “Yes” and “others” 10%. Some of those who voted “NO” had this to say:  The present generation of Naga leaders viz freedom fighters, politicians, hohos, student leaders, church leaders etc has become one of the largest stumbling block to development of our state. Its better we represent ourselves than to suffer under these so called leaders.  Power, money drives them.  Not at all; just look at the present crop of leaders. I don’t think they care at all about the people. They only care about themselves. They only look at themselves in the mirror. They are only for their selfish ends; relatives; tribes!! Today, our Naga leaders are selfish, egoist and self-centered. They only think of power and how to retain their position. This is a far cry from what Naga leaders were once. It’s the leaders who are destroying the society because they have no vision. Absolutely “No”. Be careful whom you trust. The present so-called leaders are all devil in disguise-mistrustful, lairs, corrupt to the core, lustful and proud. They are the direct descendant of satan, who will Inherit the kingdom of hell. Yet we pray for your souls. Amen! They lack vision for a better Nagaland. They are all selfish & greedy. Today, whether they are over ground leaders or underground leaders, they are the same. They seem to be driven by the same motive – to promote their own interest. The over ground leaders today are taking advantage of the situation and are taking the people for a ride. The underground leaders have become corrupted by the ceasefire and many of them have forgotten the cause of the Nagas. All these leaders of the present generation are after power and they have stopped thinking about the welfare of the people. They forget what happened in Mokokchung and Wungram colony. They must never underestimate the patience and anger of the public. They should mend their ways before the people act. Not educated, they cat just yap to escape the situation No, they are all about making money for themselves. Deliverance from present clutch is next to impossible as they are still entangling with greed, hatred, position and money hunter. No.. I can`t…problem is money and power. All the leaders get deceived by money and power. Its hardly to generations since we are seeing money in terms of thousands and lacs….90% still haven’t seen crores…..we are disproportionately modernized but not yet appropriately civilized. If the leaders know all these short comings and lead us with sincerity, honesty, humbleness and wisdom, surely something great can be achieved and why not, next to God, my full trust will be in them. It’s like trusting a person who has an angel face but a devil Heart. Our beloved corrupted leaders are not worthy to be trusted and believed. No! Because they are not working in the interest of the general people but they are working for their selfish benefit and they are crazy for money. All are corrupted Leaders are elected by followers every generation. We get what we are: untrustworthy. The present generations Nagas have some great leaders but my answer is a very big NO! How can you trust or believe our so cold leaders especially Naga UGs who loot, murder, threaten people, prevent development, and every kind of unchristian things. (Reminding you al, they have just come out of jungle!!) Secondly, the so called social workers (politicians, associations, organizations leaders) are far worse than the UGs but for the lack of gun power. Remembers UGs and social workers are those stupid few who can’t get anything out of their education and the church leaders…all have been said about them but what I want to tell some of those stupid hot tempered reverends, pastors, and catechists …is that the hottest part of hell’s for them. Most of us know what’s right and what’s wrong except our leaders.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/pillar-of-knowledge-practices-in-manipur/

AFSPA – In Service Of The Nation

By Prem Prakash (Research Fellow Punjabi University, Patiala) 1. Introduction. Over the past few months,… more »

By Prem Prakash
(Research Fellow Punjabi University, Patiala)
1. Introduction. Over the past few months, there has been a raging debate about the relevance and effectiveness of the AFSPA in the insurgency affected states of J&K and the North East. To join the issue, an article “The Ten Commandments of AFSPA” written by Mr Pahrii Pou, published in The Sangai Express edition dated 12 Dec 11, has also expressed views against the existence of the Act in a rather rhetoric, immature and an absurd manner. The write-up intends to give out a set of so-called ‘Ten Commandments of AFSPA’, mockingly christening the SF as ‘GODs’ and their bullets as ‘Angels’. It intends to falsely and squarely implicate the SF for precipitating further insurgency and being ‘outsiders’ exercising ‘autocratic military rule’ with a sense of insensitiveness/irresponsibility as well as calling the Act – ‘racist’ and ‘draconian’ which supposedly provides the SF total immunity from HR tress-passage. The article seems to be driven by personal/vested motives or experiences of the writer with the SF, facts regarding which have been misconstrued, much against the spirit and ethics of truthful media expression.

2. AFSPA & its Rationale. It must be remembered that the Army is the instrument of last resort of the state and it has successfully tamed insurgencies & vicious terrorist movements. It is brought in only once the civil administration and police have failed to control the situation. Its operations have to be within a legal framework, which sets the rules of engagement, and also provides basic protection from prosecution (as available to the police under Sec 45 and 197 of CrPCs) for personnel acting in good faith. This is precisely what the AFSPA does and hence is a critical enabling legislation. Testimony to the relevance of the act lies in the fact that various Commission Reports incl HR forums recommending repeal of AFSPA and questioning its constitutionality under Indian Law (Article 4 on Civil & Political Rights), was rejected by supreme court calling the act necessary to prevent secession of NE States under Article 355 that empowers Central Govt to protect states from internal disturbances. The Supreme Court is the most respected institution in this country and has upheld the need and validity of this law. Far from being draconian, AFSPA is the bare minimum warranted provision in view of threats faced by the  security forces. It is important that the security forces’ perspective is not lost in the clamour for annulment of the Act. AFSPA does in no way mean ‘Military Rule’. The AFSPA confers special powers upon Armed Forces of the Union of India in ‘Disturbed Areas’ when called upon by the state Government in the case of failure of administration or instability in the state. It needs iteration here that security forces have no role to play in the decision making process prior to actual deployment and lies entirely to the central/ state to declare an area as “disturbed” as a pre requisite for promulgation of AFSPA. In the given circumstances, the Security Forces’ perspective is governed by the administrative necessity of the Act, its relevance at the tac level and the risks of dilution in terms of undermining national security.

3. Legal Provisions & Restrained Approach. The principal articles of the Act empower the armed forces to undertake CI ops at tac level. Obviously, in their absence would render the security forces incapable of fulfilling their assigned role. It is therefore not at all surprising that while several activists often raise their voice against the law, the affected states are hesitant in recommending the annulment of the Act. Sec 7 offers protection to persons acting under this act i.e. no prosecution, suit or other legal proceeding shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the Central Govt. However, army adheres to a zero tolerance policy against any infringements to the acts as well as HR violations and perpetrators are severely dealt with, as per army laws. Adequate checks and safeguards are built in the Act to prevent SF from assuming sweeping powers. The DO’S and DON’T’S include use of minimum force and protection is extended only to personnel discharging duties in good faith and not otherwise. Just to give a comparison, the newly enacted laws for Pak Army in Jun 11- ‘Action in Aid of Civil Power, FATA, PATA’ are far draconian which empower the Pak SF to detain a suspect up to 120 days, imprison indefinitely and conduct trials of suspects awarding death or life sentence just on testimony of any military officer. Therefore, AFSPA does not provide the SF, a “God” like status under “Martial Law Conditions” but ensures that checks and balances are still available to prevent its misuse.

In fact, contrary to popular perception, the AFSPA imposes tremendous self-restraint on soldiers like it permits for opening fire only when fired-upon etc.

4. HR Status. Another false impression created by certain human rights groups and organisations with vested interests is that the AFSPA provides immunity to the army in conducting excesses on the population. Notwithstanding the same, it may be noted that these violations have been dealt with sternly by armed forces unlike the large no of offenders in the civil society that roam free due to their “financial” and “political” clout. In fact, available data suggests that since 1990, on scrutiny of a total of 1511 cases of human rights abuse (registered against the SF) including by NHRC, nearly 98 % (1473) were found to be false/ with vested interests. Where culpability was established, nearly 144 soldiers including officers have been punished so far. There can not be a better example of military justice in a country where cases of ‘Afzal Guru or Kasab’ are still to be disposed off.

5. AFSPA Breeding Insurgency. The article claims that imposition of the AFSPA has led to the mushrooming of various UG gps. Nothing could be far from truth. An analysis of the historical facts clearly elucidates that the UG groups have mushroomed more as a consequence of partial lifting of AFSPA from disturbed areas coupled with political overtures. These areas have now become operating havens for the groups and they are now able to plan, extort and terrorise people without having any fear of retribution from the security forces. The more the number of groups, more are the anti national elements that have the power and money to meet their narrow divisive aims.

6. Conclusion. AFSPA is neither arbitrary nor suppressive in nature as claimed by certain disillusioned individuals/section of the society. Assigning responsibility to the Army without essential authority to ensure peace in affected area of jurisdiction not only lacks rationale but also sounds absurd. Armed forces are one of the best apolitical and professional guarantors of peace in the country and on many an occasion, they have taken a stance against intense political pressure in national interest by not allowing a free run to the anti national elements. The imposition of the AFSPA is again a political decision after due assessment by the government that the civilian administration and local state police are not enough to maintain the law and order in the state. Therefore it would not be correct to state that the security forces dictate terms to the democratically elected political representatives. On the contrary, being an arm of the Government, the armed forces are present only because the Government assess the situation to be unmanageable and can remove the armed forces whenever its assessment hints towards a return of normalcy. Unfortunately, removal of AFSPA has become an emotive issue and is seen in some quarters as the panacea for all ills. It should be remembered that the army was not responsible for bringing about insurgency and AFSPA is only an enabling provision for it to battle the insurgents or terrorists. Sarcasim and yellow journalism on subjects of this nature which affects the integrity of the nation under hidden agenda by sections inimical to India and that too by own scholars/intellectuals need complete ignoring. RTI provides enough strength to any citizen/organisation who is keen to know on actual incidents happened under AFSPA and action taken by Army/ Courts. Efforts need to be put in by various HR/ frontal organisation to create conducive environs so that Army is not deployed on ISI duties. If deployed support must be provided by civil societies than criticizing & ringing false alarm.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/afspa-in-service-of-the-nation/

`Burma and Myanmar mean exactly the same thing`

The Financial Times in London recently changed its policy of using Burma to using Myanmar… more »

The Financial Times in London recently changed its policy of using Burma to using Myanmar when referring to the country. Burma expert Bertil Lintner, the author of numerous books on Burma, wrote to the newspaper, saying the words are synonymous, but other changes involving the names of ethnic towns have more sinister implications. His letter to the newspaper was published on Wednesday, January 11, 2012.
The following is an expanded version of the letter and goes into more details about the importance of names in identifying a country or city:

Dear Sirs,
You claim that you have adopted the name “Myanmar” for Burma “on the grounds of neutrality” and because it “smacks less of domination by a majority ethnic group.” (January 5, 2012). This is linguistically and historically incorrect. It is correct that today’s Burmese rulers claim that Burma, or bama, is a colonial name while Myanmar is more indigenous and encompasses all the many nationalities of the country. But it was not the British who “named Myanmar Burma.” The once British colony has always been called Burma in English and bama or myanma in Burmese. The best explanation of the difference between the two names is found in the old Hobson-Jobson Dictionary of “Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases,” which despite its rather unorthodox name remains a very useful source of information:

“The name (Burma) is taken from Mran-ma, the national name of the Burmese people, which they themselves generally pronounce Bam-ma, unless speaking formally and empathically.” (Col. Henry Yule and A.C. Burnell, New Edition Edited by William Crooke, Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical Discursive. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1979, originally published in 1903, p. 131.) Both names have been used interchangeably throughout history, with Burma being the more colloquial name and Myanmar a more formal designation.

If Burma meant only the central plains and Myanmar the Burmans and all the other nationalities, how could there be, according the Myanmar Language Commission, a “Myanmar language”? Its official Myanmar-English Dictionary also mentions a “Myanmar alphabet.” Clearly, Burma and Myanmar, and Burmese and Myanmar, mean exactly the same thing, and it cannot be argued that the term “Myanmar” includes any more people within the present union than the name “Burma” does.

But the confusion is an old one and when the Burmese independence movement was established in the 1930s, there was a debate among the young nationalists as to what name should be used for the country: bama or myanma. The nationalists decided to call their movement the Dohbama Asiayone instead of the Dohmyanma Asiayone. The reason, they said, was that:

“Since the dohbama was set up, the nationalists always paid attention to the unity of all the nationalities of the country…and the thakins (Burmese nationalists) noted that myanma meant only the part of the country where the myanma people lived. This was the name given by the Burmese kings to their country. Bama naing-ngan is not the country where only the myanma people live. Many different nationalities live in this country, such as the Kachins, Karens, Kayahs, Chins, P-Os, Palaungs, Mons, Myanmars, Rakhines and Shans. Therefore, the nationalists did not use the term myanma naing-ngan but bama naing-ngan. That would be the correct term…all nationalities who live in bama naing-ngan are called bama.” (A Brief History of the Dohbama Asiayone (in Burmese). Rangoon: Sarpay Beikman, 1976, p. 215)

Thus, the movement became the Dohbama Asiayone and not the Dohmyanma Asiayone .The Burmese edition of The Guardian monthly, another official publication, also concluded in February 1971: “The word myanma signifies only the myanmars whereas bama embraces all indigenous nationalities.”

In May 1989, however, the present government decided that the opposite was true and changed the name in English to Myanmar — although it had been myanma naing-ngan, “the State of Burma,” in formal Burmese since independence in 1948. The bitter truth is that there is no term in Burmese or in any other language that covers both the bama/myanma and the ethnic minorities since no such entity existed before the arrival of the British. Burma with its present boundaries is a colonial creation, and successive governments of independent Burma have inherited a chaotic entity which is still struggling to find a common identity. But “changing” the name of the country to what it has always been called in formal Burmese is unlikely to make any difference. Burma has been in a state of revolt since independence in 1948, with no lasting solution to its ethnic and political problems in sight.

Rangoon or Yangon is another reflection of the same kind of misunderstanding. Rangoon begins with the consonant “ra gaut”, or “r”, not “ya palait” or “y”. In English texts, Rangoon is therefore an etymologically more correct spelling. The problem is that the old r-sound has died out in most modern Burmese dialects and softened to a “y” — but not in Arakanese and Tavoyan, which both have a very distinct r-sound. Further, there is another dimension to the recent “name changes” in Burma. It was not only the names of the country and the capital which were “changed”; in the minority areas new names were also introduced as well, and here it was a real change. A few examples from Shan State: Hsipaw became Thibaw, Hsenwi became Theinli or Thinli, Kengtung became Kyaingtong, Mong Hsu became Maing Shu, Lai-Hka became Laycha, Pangtara became Pindaya and so on.

The problem here is that the original names all have a meaning in the Shan language; the “new” names are just Burmanised versions of the same names, with no meaning in any language. This undermines the argument that the changes were done in order to make them “more indigenous” and not only reflecting the majority Burmans. This has prompted Gustaaf Houtman, a Dutch Burma scholar, to coin the term “Myanmafication” to refer to the top-down programme of replacing “unity in diversity” — which had been Aung San’s vision of an independent Burma — with a more ethnically streamlined nation state. (Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 1999, pp. 15ff.) Others would claim it is just a concerted drive to Burmanise the whole country and wipe out the separate identities of the ethnic minorities.

Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review and author of the forthcoming “Great Game East: India, China and the Struggle for Asia’s Most Volatile Frontier.”

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/burma-and-myanmar-mean-exactly-the-same-thing/

Talks with the Kachin and Mon Rebels in Myanmar: Strategy, Motives and Hurdles

By Bibhu Prasad Routray Myanmar’s recent policy to politically reform itself might have excited many… more »

By Bibhu Prasad Routray
Myanmar’s recent policy to politically reform itself might have excited many analysts outside the country, but its objective of achieving peace with the ethnic rebels is progressing slower than expected. Suspicion regarding the government’s real intentions remains the key factor.

Policy to end Isolation
On 18 August 2011, the new government in Myanmar called for peace talks with armed ethnic rebel groups along its borders with Thailand and China. The new approach came three weeks after opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi wrote an open letter to President Thein Sein offering to mediate between the government and the rebels. The government went on to form a negotiating panel for peace to work on a formula of achieving peace in the entire country in the next three to four years.

By all means, the present strategy is directed at ending the country’s pariah status. Bringing the war with the rebels to an end is one of the conditions set by the West for improvised relations with the Myanmarese government. This was further emphasized by US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton during her visit to Myanmar in early December 2011.

Peace Talks
On 29 November 2011, high ranking Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) leaders held discussions with a Myanmarese government delegation in the border town of Ruili in China’s Yunnan Province. KIO insisted that the political dialogue needs to continue whereas the government underlines the need to ink a ceasefire agreement. The KIO incidentally had signed a ceasefire with the military junta in 1994, becoming one of the first ethnic armed groups to do so.

Similarly, the first round of peace talks were held on 22 December 2011 between a Myanmarese government delegation headed by the Minister for Railways Aung Min and a delegation from the Mon armed group, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) led by its secretary, Nai Hang Thar. The talks took place in Sangkhalburi in Thailand’s Kanchanaburi Province. The government offered to favourably consider the possibility of granting the right to teach the Mon language in Mon State and also to assist NMSP leaders in developing business opportunities. While the government side said it hopes to conclude a ceasefire agreement during the second round of talks scheduled for January 2011 in the Mon state, the NMSP too, like the Kachins, insisted on a political dialogue.

Hindrances
Suspicion regarding the government’s real intentions remains a hurdle in the actualization of the peace talks. There is a widely held belief that the government is using the twin strategy – military offensive as well as peace talks – to subdue the rebels. Since June this year, armed offensives are continuing with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of the KIO. President Thein Sein made a statement during the November 2011 ASEAN summit in Bali that the security forces could annihilate organizations like the KIO/KIA “within a day”. Reportedly more than 100 infantry battalions and three divisions of forces are being used against the rebels, who have since lost many of its camps along the Myanmar-China border. The President on 10 December 2011 ordered an end to the fighting. Skirmishes, however, continue as the directives are yet to reach the troops.

Whether a ceasefire agreement should precede political talks is the second area of contention. The government obviously is in a hurry to showcase its ability to achieve total peace in the country, where as its past records of procrastinating political dialogue with the groups which had signed the ceasefire agreement in the 1990s, remains a negative point of reference for the groups. For example, the NMSP observed a ceasefire agreement with the government between 1995 and 2010 and the entire 15 year period remained bereft of a single round of political dialogue.

Thirdly, government’s moves to individually hold negotiations with the groups rather than talking to the umbrella body United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) has contributed to the suspicion that the government is adopting a “divide and rule” strategy. The 11-member UNFC merging the loyalties of the Mon, Shan, Karenni, Chin, Arakan, Karen, Kachin and Pa-O ethnicities had been formed in February 2011. The UNFC demands that the government deals directly with it rather than individually with the groups. The government, on the other hand, insists that political talks with the UNFC will be the “third step” of its peace process. As a result, the UNFC’s Peace Talk Group formed in the last week of August 2011 remains idle. The UNFC has gone ahead to form a Federal Army during its 16-17 December emergency meeting on the Thai-Burma border.

For obvious reasons, the government will have to walk that extra mile to create confidence among the alienated ethnicities. The excitement in certain quarters about the process of reform underway in Naypyidaw notwithstanding, the rebellious ethnicities will need to be given time to internalize the process of reformation. Honesty and transparency rather than rapidity in achieving peace would have to be the key principle behind the government’s policy. 

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/talks-with-the-kachin-and-mon-rebels-in-myanmar-strategy-motives-and-hurdles/

Will India go the Argentina way toward populist decline?

By Ajay Shah Suppose we go back to 1870 and envision future scenarios for four… more »

By Ajay Shah
Suppose we go back to 1870 and envision future scenarios for four interesting and promising countries.

Britain: The incumbent, the pioneer of the industrial revolution, home of Newton and Darwin, with a head start on building institutions, with sound economic policy and deep integration with a global empire.

Germany: The rising power of Europe, rapidly catching up with the frontier (and ahead of Britain in some fields). More centralisation of power, which perhaps gave an edge in certain things.

The US: A vast country blessed with a great constitution, inhabited by a colourful cast of characters drawn from the mavericks, misfits, nutcases and adventurers of Europe.

Argentina: A vast country with boundless prospects, sound policies after 1852, and tightly integrated into globalisation on both trade and capital.

You’re probably thinking: ‘Argentina?’ But in the middle of the 19th century, there were many people who thought that Argentina had better prospects than the US. From 1850 to 1930, Argentina did astonishingly well. In particular, from 1880 to 1905, GDP growth averaged 8% over 25 years, which was unheard of in those years.

With the benefit of hindsight, we know what happened. Argentina collapsed into illiberal populism (first into socialism/fascism (1930) and then into Peronism (1946)). Germany collapsed into nationalism and militarism. The US and the UK managed to build liberal democracies.

With this framing, let’s ask about how India and China will work out in coming decades.

Will India make it to good institutions, like the UK or the US? Or will India collapse into illiberal populism, much like Argentina did? All too often, the Indian elite tends to take good outcomes in the deep future for granted. I am not so sure and it is worth worrying about the foundations of liberal democracy and a market economy.

Given the weak foundations of liberal ideas in India, political freedom is not something to take for granted. Given the weak foundations of market economics in India, economic freedom is not something to take for granted. Argentina’s binge of welfare programmes and populism is uncomfortably close to the instincts of most Indian politicians.

Will China make it to good institutions, like the UK or the US? Or will China descend into nationalism and militarism, much like Germany did?

The story of Argentina and Germany, from 1870 to 1914, reminds us that what works in a country for a short time is often not enough to carry the country through to a happy ending. Germany did very well from 1870 to 1914 (a full 44 years). Argentina did very well from 1850 to 1930 (a full 80 years) of which 50 years had really high growth.

To many people, the sustained success that we have seen in India has generated complacence. We have started trusting in our governance DNA, thinking that it has delivered results after 1979 and particularly after 1993. This complacence hinders the process of identifying incipient problems, criticising the status quo, and changing course.

The fact that a economic/political recipe worked well for a few decades does not mean that this recipe will continue to deliver. For a country to work out in the long run, it has to constantly nurture the foundations of liberal democracy and the market economy, and repeatedly reinvent itself.

In the late 19th century, growth rates were low in absolute terms, other than outlandish episodes like Argentina (1880-1905). Germany was the star performer of Europe over 1870-1914, with GDP growth of 2.9%. The UK did just 1.9% in this period. At 2.9% growth, GDP doubles each 24 years. In other words, the economy and the political system need to be reinvented in each generation.

At 7% growth, in India, we are getting a doubling of GDP every decade. This requires a reinvention of the economy and the political system every decade. But India presents a stark contrast with what’s required: we have grossly failed on modifying laws, government agencies, policy frameworks and world views at a rapid pace.


Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/will-india-go-the-argentina-way-toward-populist-decline/

Will India go the Argentina way toward populist decline?

By Ajay Shah Suppose we go back to 1870 and envision future scenarios for four… more »

By Ajay Shah
Suppose we go back to 1870 and envision future scenarios for four interesting and promising countries.

Britain: The incumbent, the pioneer of the industrial revolution, home of Newton and Darwin, with a head start on building institutions, with sound economic policy and deep integration with a global empire.

Germany: The rising power of Europe, rapidly catching up with the frontier (and ahead of Britain in some fields). More centralisation of power, which perhaps gave an edge in certain things.

The US: A vast country blessed with a great constitution, inhabited by a colourful cast of characters drawn from the mavericks, misfits, nutcases and adventurers of Europe.

Argentina: A vast country with boundless prospects, sound policies after 1852, and tightly integrated into globalisation on both trade and capital.

You’re probably thinking: ‘Argentina?’ But in the middle of the 19th century, there were many people who thought that Argentina had better prospects than the US. From 1850 to 1930, Argentina did astonishingly well. In particular, from 1880 to 1905, GDP growth averaged 8% over 25 years, which was unheard of in those years.

With the benefit of hindsight, we know what happened. Argentina collapsed into illiberal populism (first into socialism/fascism (1930) and then into Peronism (1946)). Germany collapsed into nationalism and militarism. The US and the UK managed to build liberal democracies.

With this framing, let’s ask about how India and China will work out in coming decades.

Will India make it to good institutions, like the UK or the US? Or will India collapse into illiberal populism, much like Argentina did? All too often, the Indian elite tends to take good outcomes in the deep future for granted. I am not so sure and it is worth worrying about the foundations of liberal democracy and a market economy.

Given the weak foundations of liberal ideas in India, political freedom is not something to take for granted. Given the weak foundations of market economics in India, economic freedom is not something to take for granted. Argentina’s binge of welfare programmes and populism is uncomfortably close to the instincts of most Indian politicians.

Will China make it to good institutions, like the UK or the US? Or will China descend into nationalism and militarism, much like Germany did?

The story of Argentina and Germany, from 1870 to 1914, reminds us that what works in a country for a short time is often not enough to carry the country through to a happy ending. Germany did very well from 1870 to 1914 (a full 44 years). Argentina did very well from 1850 to 1930 (a full 80 years) of which 50 years had really high growth.

To many people, the sustained success that we have seen in India has generated complacence. We have started trusting in our governance DNA, thinking that it has delivered results after 1979 and particularly after 1993. This complacence hinders the process of identifying incipient problems, criticising the status quo, and changing course.

The fact that a economic/political recipe worked well for a few decades does not mean that this recipe will continue to deliver. For a country to work out in the long run, it has to constantly nurture the foundations of liberal democracy and the market economy, and repeatedly reinvent itself.

In the late 19th century, growth rates were low in absolute terms, other than outlandish episodes like Argentina (1880-1905). Germany was the star performer of Europe over 1870-1914, with GDP growth of 2.9%. The UK did just 1.9% in this period. At 2.9% growth, GDP doubles each 24 years. In other words, the economy and the political system need to be reinvented in each generation.

At 7% growth, in India, we are getting a doubling of GDP every decade. This requires a reinvention of the economy and the political system every decade. But India presents a stark contrast with what’s required: we have grossly failed on modifying laws, government agencies, policy frameworks and world views at a rapid pace.


Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/will-india-go-the-argentina-way-toward-populist-decline/

What do talks with terrorists mean with violence on and arms still held?

By Anil Bhat Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist… more »

By Anil Bhat
Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist groups and the entry of one in Assam to launch attacks around Independence Day, terrorists struck in Imphal.

On August 01, 2011, five persons including two girl students were killed and many were injured as a powerful bomb exploded at about 1.40 pm in front of a grocery shop and a barber`s shop, opposite Sangakpham Keithel (bazaar).

The two girls studying in Class III together at Chingmeirong Primary School  were returning home when the bomb exploded, flinging their  bodies, one of which was found inside the grocery store and the other’s in the barber shop, where the barber and his son were also killed. Another man’s body was found in front of the shop. The impact of the blast was so powerful that it ripped and charred human flesh, pulverised some vehicles and reduced the place to scattered debris.

While there are reports of this being a failed attempt by National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Nagalim-Issac – Muivah group (NSCN-IM) at targeting members of the Autonomous District Council (ADC) who are housed in a nearby guest house complex, Chief Minister Okram  Ibobi Singh and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram are reported to have endorsed the same.

A press note from the state Home Department said, “Government of Manipur has received concrete and convincing evidence which establishes the direct involvement of NSCN-IM in the series of recent violent incidents which left several innocent civilians dead and many seriously injured in various parts.” According to the Home Department one Anthony, son of Bonkulung of Sadu Koireng killed in this blast was an active NSCN-IM cadre.

Apparently, the explosion occurred moments after some vehicles of ADC members went past the blast site. The government stated that these acts of terror are quite clearly designed to thwart the democratic process taken up be the government of Manipur to introduce democratic decentralization by successfully conducting elections to the six district councils which had remained dormant for over two decades.

It may be recalled that last year the, it was on the this issue that All Manipur Naga Students Union had caused a blockade of National Highway 39, Manipur’s main artery, which had extended to three months by Thuingaleng Muivah timing his visit his home town in Manipur after almost forty years.

Almost all the schools located in the valley districts of Manipur staged protest demonstrations and rallies decrying the Sangakpham bomb attack. On Tidim Road, thousands of school students took out a joint protest rally.

One group which has been most vocal is the All Manipur United Clubs’ Organisation (AMUCO), which, while listing a number of violent incidents allegedly involving the NSCN -IM, including the recent bomb blast, accused both the Central and State Governments of being soft towards this rebel group. Contending that inaction against the NSCN (IM), inspite of its involvement in various incidents of violence clearly suggests indirect support of both the Governments to the NSCN-IM, AMUCO president KT Rahman demanded that effective measures be initiated to curb activities of the outfit in Manipur. Speaking to media he is reported to have stated that as the ongoing ceasefire between the Government of India and the NSCN-IM does not cover Manipur, not only should the illegal activities of the NSCN (IM) need to be dealt with according to law but also all that its camps in the State should be shut-down.

He further  stated that the ongoing peace parleys between the NSCN (IM) and Govt of India have been reduced to a mockery as the NSCN-IM is still involved in acts of terrorism, highway extortion, destruction of public properties and intimidation. Mentioning the Sangakpham blast, killing of a couple in Lungphu village of Phungyar sub-division (Ukhrul) and slaying of security personnel of Phungyar AC MLA’s escort party as recent cases involving the terrorist group, he blamed the Govt of Manipur by recounting a particular incident when weapons seized by State security forces near Pallel were returned to the outfit along with its apprehended cadres.

Rahman, while asserting that terrorist attacks in Mumbai and Manipur should be measured by the same yardstick and  grimly noting failure of the Home Minister to visit Manipur and assess the overall situation following the Sangakpham blast, commented  that that such an attitude demonstrated the Govt of India’s step-motherly treatment to the people of Manipur.

Chronicling a number of attacks by NSCN-IM since at least April this year, the Home Department said that the state government is seriously considering taking up the matter with the Central government to revoke the ceasefire with NSCN-IM due to these continuous and open acts of terrorism being committed by it.

While violence by the number of Meitei terrorist groups in Manipur has been reported much since the arrest of United National Liberation Front’s boss-man, RK Meghen, many of its cadres earlier in Bangladesh and now in Burma/Myanmar are being rallied together by Chinese intelligence, there is no saying how and when they will strike again.

In Assam, as the pro talk faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA)’s seven-member team of seasoned hit-men led by its ‘chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa submitted the charter of demands prepared by the Sanmilito Jatiya Abhivartan (SJA) under the leadership of noted intellectual Dr Hiren Gohain, to Ministry of Home Affairs, their anti-talks colleague Paresh Baruah is all set to keep Assam on the boil yet again.

ULFA’s bid to strike came to light when the Assam Rifles apprehended hardcore ULFA leader Rwittick Hazarika in Sonitpur district bordering Arunachal Pradesh recently. He confessed before police that a group of harcore ULFA cadres have come down to Assam to strike at the instance of Paresh Baruah. Hazarika ‘second lieutenant’ in the ULFA’s 27 battalion, was arrest was a day after the Union Home Ministry’s advisory to Assam to step up security in view of the ULFA’s martyrs’ day on July 27.

The seven-member ULFA team met Home Minister P Chidambaram in the presence of Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi, Home Secretary R K Singh and other senior officials and the as reported in media quoting a source, “The meetings will give fresh impetus to the peace process in Assam as the charter of demands will be the basis of dialogue with the ULFA.”.

Although the contents of the charter have not been disclosed, as earlier reported, the SJA charter demands Constitutional amendments to give Assam, and thereby its people greater control over their own future by strengthening the State`s power to control the revenues generated, the natural resources, and the planning process and ensure a secure demographic situation as well as accelerated and balanced development. Gohain had earlier said, “If the government of India and the ULFA honour the Charter in letter and spirit and do not undersell it, we may look forward to untroubled peace, true development, and vigorous growth of democracy in the region.” SJA noted that the present calm does not at all mean the return of peace.

One aspect of the charter about ensuring a secure demographic situation, ironically stands greatly compromised, thanks to the ULFA, who during the stay of its top honchos in Bangladesh for almost two decades had actually aided and speeded up the illegal migration from Bangladesh, contradicting the very basis of its rise following the bloody Assam agitation of 1983.

This writer’s book Assam Terrorism and the Demographic Challenge (Knowledge World and Centre for Land Warfare Studies) elaborates on how ULFA became an effective tool of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence organisation’s set-up (based in Bangladesh during Kheleda Zia’s tenure), pursuing its aim of inducting and settling illegal Bangladeshi migrants in various parts of Assam; of raising new madrassas and controlling old ones; trying to convert ethnic Assamese Muslims to fundamentalism; creating communal tension; circulating fake Indian currency; trafficking arms and narcotics; sabotaging installations and generally spreading terror.

Talks with terrorists are fine but must meaningfully lead to permanent eradication of violence by the group and must be undertaken after securing all its weapons and ammunition.  In both the cases of NSCN-IM and ULFA that has not been done. Besides, both these groups have factions / leaders / members already guilty of anti-Indian activities and more expected, that too now with China’s support in addition to Pakistan military’s. Both these groups are also involved in supplying arms to Naxal-Maoists. In the case of talks with ULFA, if Anup Chetia is going to be handed over by Bangladesh as part of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government’s goodwill, then the Centre may consider waiting till Paresh Baruah is caught-he must be caught, interrogated and disarmed- and then hold talks purposefully.

Last but certainly not least, what about ULFA leaders/cadres guilty of heinous crimes against innocent people? If merely their ‘apologies’ are to be accepted and they overnight turn in good ‘mainstream’ citizens, then we might as well free all murderers in death-rows.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/what-do-talks-with-terrorists-mean-with-violence-on-and-arms-still-held/

What do talks with terrorists mean with violence on and arms still held?

By Anil Bhat Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist… more »

By Anil Bhat
Shortly after media reports about China trying to unite North East terrorist groups and the entry of one in Assam to launch attacks around Independence Day, terrorists struck in Imphal.

On August 01, 2011, five persons including two girl students were killed and many were injured as a powerful bomb exploded at about 1.40 pm in front of a grocery shop and a barber`s shop, opposite Sangakpham Keithel (bazaar).

The two girls studying in Class III together at Chingmeirong Primary School  were returning home when the bomb exploded, flinging their  bodies, one of which was found inside the grocery store and the other’s in the barber shop, where the barber and his son were also killed. Another man’s body was found in front of the shop. The impact of the blast was so powerful that it ripped and charred human flesh, pulverised some vehicles and reduced the place to scattered debris.

While there are reports of this being a failed attempt by National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Nagalim-Issac – Muivah group (NSCN-IM) at targeting members of the Autonomous District Council (ADC) who are housed in a nearby guest house complex, Chief Minister Okram  Ibobi Singh and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram are reported to have endorsed the same.

A press note from the state Home Department said, “Government of Manipur has received concrete and convincing evidence which establishes the direct involvement of NSCN-IM in the series of recent violent incidents which left several innocent civilians dead and many seriously injured in various parts.” According to the Home Department one Anthony, son of Bonkulung of Sadu Koireng killed in this blast was an active NSCN-IM cadre.

Apparently, the explosion occurred moments after some vehicles of ADC members went past the blast site. The government stated that these acts of terror are quite clearly designed to thwart the democratic process taken up be the government of Manipur to introduce democratic decentralization by successfully conducting elections to the six district councils which had remained dormant for over two decades.

It may be recalled that last year the, it was on the this issue that All Manipur Naga Students Union had caused a blockade of National Highway 39, Manipur’s main artery, which had extended to three months by Thuingaleng Muivah timing his visit his home town in Manipur after almost forty years.

Almost all the schools located in the valley districts of Manipur staged protest demonstrations and rallies decrying the Sangakpham bomb attack. On Tidim Road, thousands of school students took out a joint protest rally.

One group which has been most vocal is the All Manipur United Clubs’ Organisation (AMUCO), which, while listing a number of violent incidents allegedly involving the NSCN -IM, including the recent bomb blast, accused both the Central and State Governments of being soft towards this rebel group. Contending that inaction against the NSCN (IM), inspite of its involvement in various incidents of violence clearly suggests indirect support of both the Governments to the NSCN-IM, AMUCO president KT Rahman demanded that effective measures be initiated to curb activities of the outfit in Manipur. Speaking to media he is reported to have stated that as the ongoing ceasefire between the Government of India and the NSCN-IM does not cover Manipur, not only should the illegal activities of the NSCN (IM) need to be dealt with according to law but also all that its camps in the State should be shut-down.

He further  stated that the ongoing peace parleys between the NSCN (IM) and Govt of India have been reduced to a mockery as the NSCN-IM is still involved in acts of terrorism, highway extortion, destruction of public properties and intimidation. Mentioning the Sangakpham blast, killing of a couple in Lungphu village of Phungyar sub-division (Ukhrul) and slaying of security personnel of Phungyar AC MLA’s escort party as recent cases involving the terrorist group, he blamed the Govt of Manipur by recounting a particular incident when weapons seized by State security forces near Pallel were returned to the outfit along with its apprehended cadres.

Rahman, while asserting that terrorist attacks in Mumbai and Manipur should be measured by the same yardstick and  grimly noting failure of the Home Minister to visit Manipur and assess the overall situation following the Sangakpham blast, commented  that that such an attitude demonstrated the Govt of India’s step-motherly treatment to the people of Manipur.

Chronicling a number of attacks by NSCN-IM since at least April this year, the Home Department said that the state government is seriously considering taking up the matter with the Central government to revoke the ceasefire with NSCN-IM due to these continuous and open acts of terrorism being committed by it.

While violence by the number of Meitei terrorist groups in Manipur has been reported much since the arrest of United National Liberation Front’s boss-man, RK Meghen, many of its cadres earlier in Bangladesh and now in Burma/Myanmar are being rallied together by Chinese intelligence, there is no saying how and when they will strike again.

In Assam, as the pro talk faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA)’s seven-member team of seasoned hit-men led by its ‘chairman’ Arabinda Rajkhowa submitted the charter of demands prepared by the Sanmilito Jatiya Abhivartan (SJA) under the leadership of noted intellectual Dr Hiren Gohain, to Ministry of Home Affairs, their anti-talks colleague Paresh Baruah is all set to keep Assam on the boil yet again.

ULFA’s bid to strike came to light when the Assam Rifles apprehended hardcore ULFA leader Rwittick Hazarika in Sonitpur district bordering Arunachal Pradesh recently. He confessed before police that a group of harcore ULFA cadres have come down to Assam to strike at the instance of Paresh Baruah. Hazarika ‘second lieutenant’ in the ULFA’s 27 battalion, was arrest was a day after the Union Home Ministry’s advisory to Assam to step up security in view of the ULFA’s martyrs’ day on July 27.

The seven-member ULFA team met Home Minister P Chidambaram in the presence of Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi, Home Secretary R K Singh and other senior officials and the as reported in media quoting a source, “The meetings will give fresh impetus to the peace process in Assam as the charter of demands will be the basis of dialogue with the ULFA.”.

Although the contents of the charter have not been disclosed, as earlier reported, the SJA charter demands Constitutional amendments to give Assam, and thereby its people greater control over their own future by strengthening the State`s power to control the revenues generated, the natural resources, and the planning process and ensure a secure demographic situation as well as accelerated and balanced development. Gohain had earlier said, “If the government of India and the ULFA honour the Charter in letter and spirit and do not undersell it, we may look forward to untroubled peace, true development, and vigorous growth of democracy in the region.” SJA noted that the present calm does not at all mean the return of peace.

One aspect of the charter about ensuring a secure demographic situation, ironically stands greatly compromised, thanks to the ULFA, who during the stay of its top honchos in Bangladesh for almost two decades had actually aided and speeded up the illegal migration from Bangladesh, contradicting the very basis of its rise following the bloody Assam agitation of 1983.

This writer’s book Assam Terrorism and the Demographic Challenge (Knowledge World and Centre for Land Warfare Studies) elaborates on how ULFA became an effective tool of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence organisation’s set-up (based in Bangladesh during Kheleda Zia’s tenure), pursuing its aim of inducting and settling illegal Bangladeshi migrants in various parts of Assam; of raising new madrassas and controlling old ones; trying to convert ethnic Assamese Muslims to fundamentalism; creating communal tension; circulating fake Indian currency; trafficking arms and narcotics; sabotaging installations and generally spreading terror.

Talks with terrorists are fine but must meaningfully lead to permanent eradication of violence by the group and must be undertaken after securing all its weapons and ammunition.  In both the cases of NSCN-IM and ULFA that has not been done. Besides, both these groups have factions / leaders / members already guilty of anti-Indian activities and more expected, that too now with China’s support in addition to Pakistan military’s. Both these groups are also involved in supplying arms to Naxal-Maoists. In the case of talks with ULFA, if Anup Chetia is going to be handed over by Bangladesh as part of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government’s goodwill, then the Centre may consider waiting till Paresh Baruah is caught-he must be caught, interrogated and disarmed- and then hold talks purposefully.

Last but certainly not least, what about ULFA leaders/cadres guilty of heinous crimes against innocent people? If merely their ‘apologies’ are to be accepted and they overnight turn in good ‘mainstream’ citizens, then we might as well free all murderers in death-rows.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/what-do-talks-with-terrorists-mean-with-violence-on-and-arms-still-held/

The marines urination video doesn`t show the real war crime

The urination video does not shock me so much as the public’s tolerance of these… more »

The urination video does not shock me so much as the public’s tolerance of these immoral wars that make criminals of marines
By Ross Caputi (guardian.co.uk)
The video of US marines urinating on Afghan corpses does not shock me. Though their behavior is disgusting and unacceptable, I find the public’s reaction to this video far more troubling. People are not outraged that there are dead Afghans; they are outraged at the manner in which the dead are treated. This is indicative of our culture’s tolerance for war and war crimes – as long as they are done in a gentlemanly fashion.

During the second siege of Fallujah, blatant war crimes were committed, yet the corporate media reported them with indifference. The siege itself was a war crime, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross Summary of International Law, because indiscriminate tactics were used, constant care was not taken to protect the civilian population, proper distinction between civilians and combatants was not made, medical personnel and medical units were not protected, indiscriminate weapons were used, and recent research about the current health crisis in Fallujah suggests that poisonous weapons may have been used as well.

Many of these war crimes were reported by the corporate media, though they were not described as such. For example, the New York Times reported on 8 November 2004 that American forces “seized” the Fallujah general hospital. An incident that I witnessed, as did Paul Wood and Robbie Wright from the BBC, was when my unit fired grenades into a house until it collapsed – with full knowledge that there were two resistance fighters and a young boy (roughly 10 years old) inside. Paul Wood interviewed the lieutenant at the scene, and he acknowledged that they had killed the young boy. In both of these reports, war crimes and Geneva Conventions were never mentioned, and the façade of honorable conduct was preserved.

What did not make it into the news was my behavior in Fallujah and the behavior of others in my unit, which I am certain would have elicited outrage equal to that elicited by this video of the urinating marines. I believe that the second siege of Fallujah can correctly be characterised as an “atrocity-producing situation”. Our false beliefs about who we were fighting, our dehumanisation of Fallujans, our desire to “see combat” (a cute euphemism) and to get a confirmed kill, and our longing for revenge for lost comrades against a faceless enemy all conspired to create a bloodthirsty and lawless atmosphere.

I witnessed marines stealing from the pockets of dead resistance fighters and looting houses. I’ve heard firsthand accounts of marines mutilating dead bodies, of a marine who murdered a civilian, and of a marine who slit a puppy’s throat. As the days of the siege passed, we used increasingly indiscriminate and illegal tactics – like “reconnaissance by fire”, which is when you fire into a house to see if anyone is inside. The violence, the hate and our distorted sense of morality made many of us sick, including myself. I stole a black ski mask out of someone’s home, because I wanted to take it home as a trophy, as evidence that I had fought against the “terrorists”.

My behavior and the behavior of others in my unit was despicable, as was the behavior of these marines urinating on corpses. But we shouldn’t let ourselves be fooled that an immoral mission and immoral war could ever be conducted in an honorable manner. War crimes were implicit in the invasion and occupation of Iraq, and they are abundant in the continued occupation of Afghanistan.

Yet, many of us choose not to see these war crimes, even though they are right in front of our faces. Only when a shocking YouTube video comes along, do we choose to look. And even then, what we see is the urinating, not the dead bodies.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/01/the-marines-urination-video-doesnt-show-the-real-war-crime/