Manipur News

By Garga Chatterjee

What importance is accorded to which people by governments is often revealed by official calendars. Indian Union government doesn`t recognize any holiday (compulsory or optional) on 10th November on account of Kali Pujo. The next day is a compulsory “national” holiday called Diwali. Government of Bangladesh recognizes 10th November as an optional holiday for Hindus on account of Kali Pujo. There`s no Diwali. There`s no Diwali in the West Bengal government`s official holiday either although it lists both 10th and 11th November as holidays – 10th as Kali Pujo and 11th as day for immersion of goddess Kali. In West Bengal`s post Durga Puja festivity calendar, Kali Pujo`s prime importance was underlined by multiple recent tweets made by trinamool Congress quoting Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. “We must follow all regulations during Kali Puja festivities. Enjoy the fun but with safety”. “Maa, Mother and Ammi are one and same. She cannot be divided. We worship Durga then Lakshmi. Now Kali Puja”. “There are several forms of Maa Kali: Chhinna Masta, Shoshan Kali, Siddheswari, Katyawani, Jagadamba and many more”. Finally, she subsumed Deepavali within the ambit of Kali Pujo – “Hope Maa Kali fills darkness with light. Let us pray to Maa Kali to bring happiness in everyone`s life”. There will be customary Deepavali greetings from her but the priorities and hierarchies are clear. Her Congress background also makes her particularly amenable to strongly patronizing Ma Kali. From Bengal`s pre-partition Swadeshi political terrorists and their physical culture associations to neighbourhood Congressite “dada” and their local youth clubs, all have been part of a continuous tradition of patronizing Kali Pujas.

I share with Mamata Banerjee our extended residential neighbourhood, the Kalighat-Chetla area, the world capital of Kali Pujo in terms of variety. There is Hajat Haat, Shoroshi, Aakali, DhyanTara, Johura, SwarnoKali, Jwolonto, SwetTara, KrishnaKali, Nataraj Kali, Aadya, Chandraghanta, Chamunda, Doshomunda and many more forms including MohunBagan Kali ( with the goddess painted in the football club`s colours). The roughly 3 square kilometre Chetla-Kalighat area has several hundred Kali pujos pandals. Here, on the only Shaktipeeth in metropolitan Kolkata, stands the famous Kali temple at Kalighat. Myself being a Shakto and a Chetla resident, Kali Pujo has always been special. The prasad of curried goat meat, preferably sacrificed and offered to our holy mother beforehand, is one of the high notes of Kali Pujo for millions in Bengal.

For Bengalis, till a couple of decades ago, in the post Durga Pujo period, Kali Pujo was the only show in town. Diwali was miniscule. Not any more. Diwali contests Kali Pujo in public spaces. Ma Kali Puja is absent from the festival-centric marketting tactics in Bengal by non-Bengal commercial entities. One is bombarded by huge advertisements of “Diwali Dhamaka” offers in Bangla and English newspapers headquartered in Bengal by various non-Bengal ship-product-to-home-bypassing-local-shop entities. Some Bengal-based entities are also joining the fray. There are relentless text messages, that are Diwali themed sales pitches. One Bangla paper also carried an advert for some garment stores masquerading as a news article on “Diwali fashion” for Bengalis, whatever that means. If one picked up the leading Bangla and English newspapers of Bengal, the glitzy and colourful advertisements therein would not give anyone a clue that this is Bengal and Kali Pujo is around the corner. Who are these ads for?

Kali Pujo has traditionally been one of those festivals where the so-called “lower” castes have dominated much of the happenings. While the upper-castes also celebrate Kali Pujo with vigour, a small but well-off section of their new generation has grown alienated from a celebration so rooted. This probably reflects on their general alienation from their surrounds, but are also the high-spending class for whom the Diwali teasers are designed for. And its partially working. Economic elites influence the aspirational tastes of those lower down in the rung. Entities that hate tariff barriers between states as well as the local sourcing clauses in retail inundate us with “Diwali” and not Kali Pujo around this time of the year. Kali Pujo is something that commercial entities that cater largely to the aspirational urban classes cannot easily negotiate. Its too democratic and actually religious, still too much rooted and real content – not a shell like the range of `pan-Indian` hashtag religious festivals, inside which anything can be stuffed and sold, to assuage the identity anxieties of the aspirational rootless urban class while peddling “deals”. The Diwali-Dhanteras combo is here in Bengal to stay and spread – before-long without the need of alienated Bengalis as Trojan horses. Kali Pujo will become Diwali, or rather, Diwali with Bengali characteristics – the only kind of `diversity` that “unity in diversity” ideology tolerates. In Bengal, Doljatra is already becoming Holi with Bengali characteristics (nevermind that they dont even fall on the same date). Navratri-ization of Durga Puja has also started.

Not long back, the Kalibari signified a Hindu Bengali settlement outside Bengal. For the newly arrived, the Kalibari was an embassy and community-space rolled into one. While the Bengali labourer mentally still carries his gods and goddesses with him, the “cosmopolitan” ones travel lighter. And some travel without the baggage even without leaving Bengal. Diwali is perfect for the self identity of the small but increasing bloc of urban Bengalis whose non-rooted Hinduness also makes him an Indian without qualifications of ethnicity and culture. They aren`t Bengali. They aren`t Indian first and Bengali second. They are only Indians, without hyphenations. and nothing but Indians. They are the ideal citizens, the “Indian” for whom a centralized Indian Union was dreamt up in the first place, except that most inhabitants didnt live up to such non-hyphenated and flat Indianness and still dont.

Cultural exchange and spread has happened throughout the human past. The problem arises when certain forms of cultural spread also signify a uniformization project by external cultural dominance with the active connivance of government, media and business, behind the fig-leaf of “unity in diversity”. Their combined power is immense. With deracinated elites of vernacular origin as collaborators, their project has started acquiring the qualities that US conservative political strategist Karl Rove had in mind when he said “We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality”. This reality is created when ostensibly “national” TV channels carry a Diwali icon on their screen on Diwali day but never on Kali Pujo or Onam, hence signalling not so subtly what it means by “Indian”. A North-Indian bania`s domestic culture is “Indian” without qualifications but a Bengali“s Kali Pujo is not similarly “Indian” but a variant or a quirk. One-way cultural entry on the back of money, media and political power is cultural aggression. I cannot think of any religious spread from Kali-land or Onam-land into Diwali-land but the opposite is progressively true. In this particular scheme of unidirectional entry, Diwali is not alone. It comes with things as disparate as CBSE, Holi and Hindi, with the pace quickening in the post-liberalization period. Join those apparently disparate dots and the contours of the post-1990 Bharatmata is revealed. Whose `local` becomes `national` and whose `local` disappears when ideas like `all India` and `mainstream` are evoked? Why is the direction of traffic in this supposedly two-way street so predictable? Why does the ruling party and its leading star focus most of his political energy and reaps maximal benefits in aeas where Diwali is the uncontested name for the festival of lights? In all of this, what is the lesson for us, the still non-Diwali people?

While Kali Pujo has a non-vegetarian overtone, Diwali signifies quite the opposite. Around Kali Pujo time, why are there no “Diwali Dhamaka”deals for a wholesome Biryani in the non-vegetarian land of Bengal, something that`s common during Durga Puja? These are subtle undercurrents with far-reaching consequences for Bengal`s social fabric. Kali Pujo is primarily a religious festival, around which other rituals like Bhoot Chaturdashi are woven. All of these entail generationally handed down customs of eating, behaving and being.

Bengal, in the face of state-sponsored, money-powered, media-assisted cultural aggression, is undergoing a hollowing out of richness and long-preserved and celebrated ways of life. The resultant Anglo-Hindiization of public culture is a poor replacement. Interestingly, Chhat Puja of Biharis hasn`t encroached in the Bengali cultural space in the way Diwali has, while the ethnic observers of Chhat Puja far outnumber Diwali`s ethnic celebrators in Kolkata. So the Diwali effect isnt due to the cultural mixing that happens due to mere physical presence of cultural `others`, but the expansion of outside ideology wedded to power. Will this encroaching front invoke a wall of resistance from Mother Kali, the protectior of her earthly children, whose cultures and identities are under siege? Time will tell.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/11/kali-puja-in-times-of-diwali/

By Ringo Pebam

Corruption is a violation of human rights that leads to “systematic economic crimes”, and a “serious malady undermining the very health of the polity”.

Manipur’s modern culture of corruption is the nexus of contractor-technocrat-bureaucrat-politician who steals public money in standardised percentages. This organised system of robbery loots our money. The public money meant for building infrastructures have turned into marble palaces, sports utility vehicles (SUVs) and expensive apartments owned by government employees and politicians in the metropolises of the country.

The current scenario gives us no guarantee that we won’t lose many other opportunities to corrupt practices in regards to development of our state; whether be it in giving jobs to the deserving, or in implementation of laws and development programs/ schemes that directly or indirectly affects us (unknowingly).

The ‘Let it be’ disease has infected the eyes and minds of us all so much that we have developed a sense of immunity from any of the prevalent economics, cultural and political state of Manipur.

How many times do we remember discussing corruption with our friends over a drink? We come up with all the Utopian solutions and criticise the policy and opinion makers of the state and we forget the topic as we part.

Carrying along this guilt (inaction) with me, I roamed about the city few days ago enquiring the existence of a Lok Ayukta office, which many states of India have. I visited courts, met legal luminaries, and inquired for Lok Ayukta’s office, but I was told that Manipur government has not appointed a Manipur Lok Ayukta yet.

What/ who is Lok Ayukta and Lok Pal?

The Lok Ayukta is an anti­-corruption authority ombudsman (an ombudsman is an official, appointed by the government or by parliament to represent the interests of the public). It deals with abuse of administrative discretion, misuse of power, mal-administrative, inefficiency, administrative corruption, nepotism, discourtesy etc. Any citizen can make his/her complaints of corruption directly to the Lok ayukta against any government official or elected representative. The Lok Ayukta investigates allegations of corruption and mal­administration against public servants and is tasked with speedy redressal of public grievances. The Lok Ayukta is usually a former High Court Chief Justice or former Supreme Court judge and has a fixed tenure.

Brief history of ‘Ombudsman’

The earliest democratic institution created in the world for citizens’ grievances was in Sweden 1809. The Swedish ‘Ombudsman’ deals with abuse of administrative discretion, misuse of power, mal-administrative, inefficiency, administrative corruption, nepotism, discourtesy etc. Following the Swedish Ombudsman all other Scandanavian countries also established Ombudsman. In other countries like France, they established French system of ‘Administrative Court’. In erstwhile USSR and other communist countries they established in the name of ‘Procurated System’.

Brief history about ‘Lok Pal’ and ‘Lok Ayukta’

In India, the ‘Ombudsman’ is called ‘Lok Pal‘ (at Central Level) and ‘Lok Ayukta‘ (at State level).

The concept of a constitutional ombudsman was first proposed in parliament by Law Minister Ashoke Kumar Sen in the early 1960s. The term “Lok Pal” was coined by Dr. L.M. Singhvi in 1963.

The Administrative Reforms Commission of India 1966-70 (headed by Morarji Desai) after studying the ombudsman model in Scandanavian countries (who have had an ombudsman for over 200 years), recommended the setting up of two special authorities designated as Lok Pal and Lok Ayukta for the redressal of citizens’ grievances.

The first Jan Lokpal Bill was proposed by Shanti Bhushan in 1968 and passed in the 4th Lok Sabha in 1969, but did not pass through the Rajya Sabha. Subsequently, Lok Pal Bills were introduced in 1971, 1977, 1985, again by Ashoke Kumar Sen, while serving as Law Minister in the Rajiv Gandhi cabinet, and again in 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, 2005 and in 2008, yet they were never passed.

While the Central government was still debating the establishment of the institution of Lok Pal, many states had already set up the institution of Lok Ayuktas. States like Maharastra set up Lok Ayukta in 1971, Uttar Pradesh in 1975,  Karnataka in 1985. By 2002, 18 states had enacted Lok Ayukta.

Lok Pal and Lok Ayuktas Act, 2013

Finally, in 2011 anti­-corruption crusader Anna Hazare fought to get the Jan Lok Pal Bill passed, he went on hunger strike, it led to nationwide protests in support and the bill got passed. The Lok Pal and Lok Ayuktas Act 2013 came into force from 16 January 2014. The legislation envisages that the Lok Pal would receive complaints of corruption against the Prime Minister, Ministers, Members of Parliament, officers of the Central government (all levels) and against functionaries of an entity that is wholly or partly financed by the government.

The Bill also made it mandatory for all states to set up Lok Ayuktas within one year of the passage of the bill.

Manipur Lok Ayukta Act, 2014

In March 2014, the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed the ‘Manipur Lok Ayukta Bill, 2014‘, it received the assent of the President of India on 23rd October 2014 and it became an Act – ‘Manipur Lok Ayukta Act, 2014’.

The Manipur Lok Ayukta should consist of a Chairman and two members of whom one should be a Judicial Member. They have to be appointed by the Governor on the recommendations of the Selection Committee. The Selection Committee consists of 1) the Chief Minister, 2) the Speaker, 3) the Leader of Opposition in Legislative Assembly, 4) the Chief Justice of High Court or a Judge of the High Court nominated by him and 5) an eminent Jurist recommended by the Chairman and the Members.

Jurisdiction of Lok Ayukta includes the Chief Minister of Manipur, Minister, Members of Manipur Legislative Assembly, officers and officials of State Government.

Chapter VI of the Manipur Lok Ayukta Act, 2014 states:

14. (1) Subject to the provisions of this Act, the Lok Ayukta shall inquire or cause an inquiry to be conducted into any matter involved in, or arising from, or complaint in respect of the following, namely:-

a) any person who is or has been a Chief Minister:  [Provided that the Lok Ayukta shall not inquire into any allegation of corruption against the Chief Minister unless a full bench of the Lok Ayukta considers the initiation of inquiry and at least two-thirds of its members approve of such inquiry.]

b) any person who is or has been a Minister of the State;

c) any person who is or has been a Member of the Manipur Legislative Assembly;

d) all officers and employees of the State, from amongst the public servants defined in sub-clause (i) and (ii) of clause (c) of section 2 of Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 when serving or who has served, in connection with the affairs of the State;

e) all officers and employees referred to in clause (d) or equivalent in any body or Board or corporation or authority or company or society or trust or autonomous body (by whatever means called) established by an Act of the state Legislature or wholly or partly financed by the State Government or controlled by it.

f) any person who is or has been a director, manager, secretary or other officer of every other society or association of persons or trust (whether registered under any law for the time being in force or not), by whatever name called, wholly, partly financed or aided by the State Government and the annual income of which exceeds such amount as the State Government may by notification specify;

g) any person who is or has been a director, manager, secretary or other officer of every other society or association of persons or trust (whether registered under any law for the time being in force or not) in receipt of any donation from the public and the annual income of which exceeds such amount as the State Government may by notification specify or from any foreign source under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 in excess of ten lakh rupees in a year or such higher amount as the Central Government may by notification specify;

 (the rest of the clauses and sub-clauses are not included in this article due to lack of space)

Why do we need a Manipur Lok Ayukta?

The rot in Manipur’s system has been exposed not by Lok Ayukta, but by Mother Nature. The serial collapses of Sekmai Dam and Chakpikarong Bridge recently exposed the nature of rot in the system.

The economic survey 2014-15 tabled in Parliament early this year exposed the 96% leakage (subsidized goods that do not reach any household) of rice is Manipur’s Public Distribution System, the highest leakage in the country. Those are the food grains which should have been distributed to BPL families of Manipur at subsidised rates.

The power elite – politicians and government officials are shamelessly unconcerned.

Huge wealth has come to accumulate in the hands of few, while the larger masses are driven increasingly to desperate poverty.

We need an ombudsman institution like Lok Ayukta to check the official corruption by the public servants.

Often in the mornings in Bangalore, I used to see reports in newspaper of investigation of cases of corruption by Santosh Hegde (former justice of the Supreme Court) who was the Lok Ayukta of Karnataka (from 2006-2011). (Santosh Hegde also headed the Supreme Court-appointed high-power commission, probing six cases of alleged extra-judicial killings in Manipur, and the commission reported that those cases were not genuine encounters and the victims did not have any criminal records.)

As a Lok Ayukta of Karnataka, Santosh Hegde had exposed major irregularities, uncovered major violations and systemic corruption in mines in Bellary. Four former chief ministers of Karnataka presently have cases pending before the Karnatake state Lok Ayukta. Hegde’s first report on illegal mining had indicted former chief minister N Dharam Singh and 11 government servants including one IPS and 6 IAS officials in the illegal mining scam. His report in the latter part of 2011 resulted in the dismissal of Chief Minister Yeddyurappa and being jailed for 21 days in October 2011.

Citizens in Karnataka reading such news felt good to see something being done to check corruption. But, here in Manipur, we do not get to see such news!

In Kerala, then United Democratic Front minister K.K. Ramachandran, was forced to resign in 2006, after the Lok Ayukta found him guilty of corruption. In Uttar Pradesh, Lok Ayukta Justice N.K. Mehrotra’s recommendations in 2011 resulted in nine ministers of the Mayawati government getting the boot.

To the media fraternity, general public and civil society organisations

Our media can help in making the public aware of “what is Lok Ayukta” and how the public can be empowered against the corrupted politicians and government officials once we have a Lok Ayukta office set up.

We, the public, have lot of guts and courage to beat up petty thieves (nganu-huranbas, activa-huranbas etc), but hardly do we realise that there is a bigger picture before us that we all are unable to see – the bigger robberies of our money by the politicians and government officials. Our development is at the mercy of corruption which is rampant in the state.

It’s high time that we as citizens of the state unite and raise our voice against corruption. On the part of our communal leaders, there is a need to direct our energies for the common good of the people towards development, rather than building up tensions amongst communities.

We have our rights, we are empowered with RTI (Right to Information), with PIL (Public Interest Litigation), but we hardly use them. Fear not, the politicians and government officials are beatable.

To the Honourable Governor and Chief Minister of Manipur

Sweden established Ombudsman in 1809; other Scandanavian countries followed suit two centuries ago. Maharastra set up their Lok Ayukta in 1971. The Lok Pal and Lok Ayuktas Act, 2013, which came into force from 16 January 2014, made it mandatory for all the states to set up Lok Ayuktas within one year of the passage of the Bill. It’s been more than a year since we have the The Manipur Lok Ayukta Act, 2014. But our Manipur Government has not established the Manipur Lok Ayukta yet.

Dear Honourable Governor and Chief Minister of Manipur, why have you not appointed Manipur’s Lok Ayukta so far? Is the ‘The Manipur Lok Ayukta Act, 2014’ just for name sake?

(The writer can be reached at ringo.p@gmail.com or facebook.com/ringo.pebam)

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/11/my-search-for-the-manipur-lok-ayukta/