Tag: kanglaonline

If there is a negotiation, something will have to be negotiated ultimately. But sometimes, the negotiating process itself becomes a strategy and thereby often a war by another means. We have the Naga peace talks in mind when we speculate this. Nearly a decade and a half after the process began in 1997 there is still no tangible result. Although the participants claim the talks are making good headway, so far the claims have proven to have little substance. A few days ago however, a newly launched Guwahati based English daily claimed that a solution was close at hand and under the proposal Nagaland would be given what was described as a “supra-state” status. Although the term is rather ambiguous and the picture sketched is still not too distinct, this seems like a state within a state and the tag “supra-state” is its euphemism. The blueprint concedes little extra to what the state of Nagaland already has. It seems more like a change of nomenclatures for already existing institutions. The Nagaland Armed Police,
NAP, thereby could become the Naga Army, the Nagaland Assembly likewise could be renamed as Tatar Hoho (Naga Parliament) etc. For the fine prints of what is purported to be the blueprint very much makes it certain that although grander names are accorded, in terms of powers they would be allowed to exercise, these institutions very much would be as they are under the present dispensation. As for instance, the functions and powers of the Naga Army, if the report is to be believed, would be restricted to internal defence and security only. The Indian police system very much handles this problem already. The only exceptions in this regard would perhaps be in terms of conceding to certain token symbolisms for Nagaland, such as a separate flag.

Under the circumstance, the only problem area in executing such a proposal, if at all it comes to be agreed upon, would be the territory question. This too is nothing new. The core of the leadership of the Naga underground group NSCN(IM), which is in negotiation with the Government of India, are from Manipur, and it is impossible to imagine a situation in which they would agree to settle the issue on concessions made to the state of Nagaland alone. They would most certainly be pushing to have the agreement predicated on the formation of a Greater Nagaland, or Nagalim as they have called this unified territory of what supposed constitutes the ancestral Naga homeland. The nature of the stumbling blocks before this project needs not be further elaborated, at least not in the Northeast, and in particular Manipur. Even the creation of a new district by demarcating and upgrading the Kuki dominated region of Sadar Hills, as we are witnessing today, has been the cause of so much distress in Manipur, threatening to return the state to the nightmares of the 1990s when a bloody ethnic feuds broke out between the Nagas and Kukis precisely on the issue of territory. Similarly, in 2001, Imphal valley literally went up in flames even at the hint that the Government of India was recognizing this Naga homeland, and thereby threatening the territorial integrity of Manipur. In Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, which too would have to compromise their territories if and when a greater Nagaland is recognised, sentiments are unlikely to remain calm.

Under the circumstance, much as we would also like to see a solution to the Naga peace talks, we cannot help being pessimistic that a solution can be close at hand. This is unless major shifts in stances by the negotiating parties become a reality. Such a shift, at least at the moment seems too much to expect. India will never agree to dismember itself to accommodate the Naga demand for sovereignty, perhaps not even as a vassal state like Bhutan. Without this concession, it is also unlikely the Naga leaders would be willing to put their signatures on any agreement. In other words, unless an agreement is reached for a non-territorial solution which lays more emphasis on cultural and ethnic identity preservation, such as the much cited Sami Parliament for the Sami people in Scandinavia, or the Gurudwara as the identity binding sinew for the Sikhs, we cannot foresee any headway in the present Naga peace process just as yet.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/negotiating-peace/

If there is a negotiation, something will have to be negotiated ultimately. But sometimes, the negotiating process itself becomes a strategy and thereby often a war by another means. We have the Naga peace talks in mind when we speculate this. Nearly a decade and a half after the process began in 1997 there is still no tangible result. Although the participants claim the talks are making good headway, so far the claims have proven to have little substance. A few days ago however, a newly launched Guwahati based English daily claimed that a solution was close at hand and under the proposal Nagaland would be given what was described as a “supra-state” status. Although the term is rather ambiguous and the picture sketched is still not too distinct, this seems like a state within a state and the tag “supra-state” is its euphemism. The blueprint concedes little extra to what the state of Nagaland already has. It seems more like a change of nomenclatures for already existing institutions. The Nagaland Armed Police,
NAP, thereby could become the Naga Army, the Nagaland Assembly likewise could be renamed as Tatar Hoho (Naga Parliament) etc. For the fine prints of what is purported to be the blueprint very much makes it certain that although grander names are accorded, in terms of powers they would be allowed to exercise, these institutions very much would be as they are under the present dispensation. As for instance, the functions and powers of the Naga Army, if the report is to be believed, would be restricted to internal defence and security only. The Indian police system very much handles this problem already. The only exceptions in this regard would perhaps be in terms of conceding to certain token symbolisms for Nagaland, such as a separate flag.

Under the circumstance, the only problem area in executing such a proposal, if at all it comes to be agreed upon, would be the territory question. This too is nothing new. The core of the leadership of the Naga underground group NSCN(IM), which is in negotiation with the Government of India, are from Manipur, and it is impossible to imagine a situation in which they would agree to settle the issue on concessions made to the state of Nagaland alone. They would most certainly be pushing to have the agreement predicated on the formation of a Greater Nagaland, or Nagalim as they have called this unified territory of what supposed constitutes the ancestral Naga homeland. The nature of the stumbling blocks before this project needs not be further elaborated, at least not in the Northeast, and in particular Manipur. Even the creation of a new district by demarcating and upgrading the Kuki dominated region of Sadar Hills, as we are witnessing today, has been the cause of so much distress in Manipur, threatening to return the state to the nightmares of the 1990s when a bloody ethnic feuds broke out between the Nagas and Kukis precisely on the issue of territory. Similarly, in 2001, Imphal valley literally went up in flames even at the hint that the Government of India was recognizing this Naga homeland, and thereby threatening the territorial integrity of Manipur. In Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, which too would have to compromise their territories if and when a greater Nagaland is recognised, sentiments are unlikely to remain calm.

Under the circumstance, much as we would also like to see a solution to the Naga peace talks, we cannot help being pessimistic that a solution can be close at hand. This is unless major shifts in stances by the negotiating parties become a reality. Such a shift, at least at the moment seems too much to expect. India will never agree to dismember itself to accommodate the Naga demand for sovereignty, perhaps not even as a vassal state like Bhutan. Without this concession, it is also unlikely the Naga leaders would be willing to put their signatures on any agreement. In other words, unless an agreement is reached for a non-territorial solution which lays more emphasis on cultural and ethnic identity preservation, such as the much cited Sami Parliament for the Sami people in Scandinavia, or the Gurudwara as the identity binding sinew for the Sikhs, we cannot foresee any headway in the present Naga peace process just as yet.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/negotiating-peace/

The recently concluded Bhagyachandra National Dance and Music Festival held at the ruins of the old Govindaji Temple inside the Kangla was, to say the least, impressive. Not only did performing arts lovers of the state have the opportunity to see the performances by some of the best exponents of dance forms in the Indian classical tradition but it was also a rare opportunity to see a part of the Kangla done up and lit to bring out it grandeur to its fullest. The Kangla was for long inaccessible to the public and even now entry is still restricted to daylight hours. The days of the festival thus also allowed the public to see this historic place at night, and what a glorious sight it was. If any tangible evidence of historical heritage can make anybody proud, this would have to be one of them for the people of the state by and large. We are certain the treat was reciprocal for the performers as well, considering the large turnout of audience each day and their appreciative nature. On the third and final day of the festival, there was hardly any space to even stand on. Yet the crowd hung on to watch and enjoy the performances to the very last act. Nobody would have any doubt how much in love with the performing arts Manipur is, and it is no wonder the place has also produced, and continues to produce, many superlative artistes of its own.

But there are certain points to be noted in the upkeep of the Kangla. At the moment, there are visibly many renovation works being done inside the complex. We hope they are being done with expert guidance. In the past there have been cases of renovation work actually altering the faces of these ancient structures to give them a modern finish. As evidence we can recall the manner the Thangal Temple at the Palace Compound was given a cement coating and then white washed a few years ago by the state’s archaeological department, robbing the building of the dignity it earned by sheer age. On another front, one of the complaints by visitors is they end up bewildered inside the complex as there are no indicators whatsoever to give them an idea of the history of the different monuments. We wonder why the government is not listening for many newspapers, including IFP, on several occasions on this extremely obvious lacuna. At the least, the government should have already erected stone plaques besides these sites with brief descriptions of the monuments and their history. And there can be no denying there is plenty of history inside the Kangla waiting to be told. Indeed, a tour within the complex can give a fairly comprehensive idea of the history of the erstwhile kingdom, both ancient and recent.

There are many other irritants the government must bring to an end at the soonest. Visitors are often confronted with cacophonous sirens blaring from VIP vehicles and their convoys of escorts zipping through the complex. This is understandably with an eye on saving the VIPs of the oppressive congestions of the busy streets outside. While some allowance must be given to VIPs, it must have a limit when it concerns such a sacrosanct space as the Kangla. Some restrictions should also be put on the VIPs. As for instance, horns and sirens within the complex must be banned, and a speed limit placed on any vehicles entering the complex. Entry permits must also be strictly time bound, perhaps during office going and returning hours only and not at any other time. The vehicles must also be allowed only on certain routes only. The important point is, first and foremost, the sanctity of the Kangla must not be compromised at any cost, not any more or less by VIPs. Second, this complex is already turning out to be a tourist attraction and as the state opens up this attribute can safely be predicted to increase in magnitude. This being the case, it is important anybody who desires to visit the place is made to feel as welcomed as possible. Third, the Kangla complex is turning out to be quite a refreshing green spot in the ever increasing concrete jungle of Imphal city. Restricting vehicle entry would be towards this end of nurturing the ecology within too.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/kangla-sanctity/