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By Sanasam Momo
The poetry of Shri Biren is a shadow of the hard life that he had traversed owing to the post-war circumstances of Manipur.His birth in 1942 marked the beginning of world war II in Imphal.The experience that he had as a boy shaped his poetry into a statement of the cruelty and roughness of life. He had a life of sniffles and this had turned his poetry into a dull but significant melody of life which to him has many wonders but behind its facet there seemed to lie the hard viccisitudes,There had been occasions when he felt hard to continue with life owing to his health but ceased to stop because of the will to pursue the literary interest. He , as a poet well understood the meaning of life and he could tell what it means and he also equated it with sniffles like O, Henry ,the American short story writer.There are little smile and sob in the life that is perceived by Shri Biren, a new dimension that was characteristic of the post –war Manipuri poets.

The death of Nongthombam Shri Biren did not bury his poetical works but rekindled a fresh impetus into a topical research of his poetry. The 2nd world war was a watershed in the poetry of Shri Biren who viewed progress and development, particularly industrial development with skepticism. Skewed by the materialistic tendency of the modern industrial progress, the poet in Shri Biren posed an angst, a protest cry against the destruction of the spiritual soul. The supremacy of the spirit and the soul came under test, the modern industry and economic development with its callous approach unhinged the spiritual balance of shri Biren who as a poet would like to safeguard the traditional texture of the spirit and the mind. Like Thomas hardy who raised a protest voice against the Industrial Revolution in his Wessex novels, Shri Biren found his poetry as a medium to record his protest against the ‘CONCRETISATION’ of existence. In a way, Shri Biren was a protest voice, an unheard voice in the noise of violence lodging complaints against the destruction of morality.The Industrial and Economic development, though it smoothened the place of existence, brought about in its wake the erosion of morality and sounded the  death knell of ethics. Shri Biren posed a moral and ethical protest against the vulgarization of the Industrial progress. It is well echoed in his poem “ TANGKHUL HUI’ (Tangkhul Dog). Only the dog lamented the crush of the flower under the weight of the massive ,cruel bull dozer driven by a vulgar, dirty and brutish man. Beauty, love and kindness were at the receiving end of this industrial and economic progress. The place of beauty and delicacy was consumed by the brutish cruelty of the machines and the heartless humans produced by the environment of the heavy machinery; while man has lost his moral and aesthetic sense, it is retained by a Tangkhul dog, an irony that struck and put it memorable because of its sharp and blunt use.

In another poem,”I AM NOT BAPTISED”(Ei Laiming Loude), Shri Biren attacked the concept of God. He used his poetry to destabilize the myth of God. His poetical philosophy was that God only is a figment of the imagination and criticized the Hindu myth of re-birth and previous birth as a ploy to conceal the non –existence of God. He cited instances of inequality and injustice to lodge that if God realy exist, such things could not be there. The existence of the immorality and inequality, he pointed out through his poem was true corroborative evidence that God  did not exist and He is only a figment of the imagination.In the play,”MURDER IN THE CATHEDRAL” written for the 1935 Canterbury Festival, Thomas Stearns Eliot also brought out God as a” STILL POINT” which could suggest that it could be imagined anywhere. A point can be anywhere and is perhaps a close link with the imagination. This parallelism between Eliot and Shri Biren struck poetic wonders in the topical research into the poetry of the post –modernist talent, Shri Biren.Indeed, the poet is a store-house of researcj for new pioneering scholars.

Since the poet belonged to the post 2nd world war generation, the unethical dimension of violence and injustice is a recurring theme in his poetry. The materialistic vulgarization of existence sapped the soul of all tastes and sweetness nay dismantled morality and justice. God, perceived as a tiger by the poet, did little to rectify the inequality and injustice which defeated His very purpose and becomes the proof of his non-existence to Shri Biren. This approach to God is a post –modernist element.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/02/philosophy-in-the-poetry-of-shri-biren-a-perspective/

By Dr. Priyadarshni M. Gangte,
Lecturer, Damdei Christian College, Motbung, Manipur.
Introduction:
Popularly called Netaji, Subhas Chandra Bose, stands aloft among the many freedom fighters that India has produced. His contribution and character is unique. He provided the leadership when it was most needed. He gave a definite direction, the internal input, which invigorated the freedom struggle movement and intimidated the British Administration.

Netaji was of the firm belief that the British could only be thrown out by force. He had no constitutional means and peaceful methods for the attainment of freedom. He disagreed with Gandhi’s method of struggling for freedom. He thought that India under Gandhi’s Principle will not attain freedom and never achieve at all. He could not rely on Gandhi on this. While working as an active protagonist of the Congress, he along with Nehru had formed the Forward Block.

Rise of the revolutionary struggle for freedom started by Gandhiji in 1920, developed the middle class group who were led first by C.R. Das and later on by Subhas Bose. After the incident of Chauri Chaura (5th February, 1922), the socio-political condition was completely changed particularly in Bengal because some of the earliest settlers in Calcutta had amassed wealth and property during the John Company’s days and dominated the Calcutta Society for nearly a century because of their financial power.1 Since his entry into politics, his personality made him so popular and, of course, had taken the role of leader who inspired the well to do tycoons, edging their way slowly to the Congress platforms in order to ensure their earthly possession which had been acquired by being loyal to the British.

Regarding his anti-imperialist struggle and Sansyavada, Netaji engaged in a non-existent war with the British Government for the attainment of our political freedom2 Subhas categorily rejected all the constitutional measures initiated by Gandhi and introduced two paths for easily attaining goal; “uncompromising military and compromise”. He further suggested to face a major imperialist nation like Britain is not an easy task. So he wanted the supply of necessary resources depends on our ability to keep up the enthusiasm of the people and maintain the spirit of opposition towards the government. As an instance, Subhas opposed Gandhi’s resolution on Dominion Status at Calcutta Congress in 1928. Along with that, he also pointed that the Round Table Conference a misnomer. He gave reason to it, “a handful of non-descript Indian nominated by the alien Government would be representing to do with the bidding of the British politicians”. This had irritated Gandhi and Nehru. Subhas’ never fell in line of sycophants of the British. He behaved in his deeds and words.

He vehemently rejected the Delhi Pact better known in history as the Gandhi – Irwin Pact (March, 1931) and he out-rightly declared as a painful document and called to “Strike when the iron is hot”.3

The long rule of India by an imperialist nation, ultimately made India inferior and that developed inferiority complex would continue till India gets freedom. It is obviously true that India witnessed stiff hardship till she achieved independence. Subhas had foreseen the future. The social, economic and political forces working in unision within India were never possible. It rather contradicts with the British till her legitimate aspirations were fulfilled. Thus to defeat the British was to win freedom for India.

In the process of the freedom struggle of India, the role played by Subhas was significant. His quality was unique as was described by his biographer, N.G. Jog.

“Bose became the man of the hour … if, by some miracle he had returned to India, he would have carried everything before him as Napoleon did after his escape from Elba.”4 

This is the truth of which Mahatma and Nehru and the Congress were afraid.

Several factors were responsible for winning our freedom from the British clutches. Though, the Indian National Congress Party acted as the centrifugal force, there were many parties like Indian League, Muslim League, Communist Party, the Liberal Federation, Swarajya Party, Forward Block, India Independence League under Rash Behari Bose and individuals whose name never appeared in history, who had struggled hard for Indian Independence. Indeed, perhaps the violent ways of Subhas had also contributed a lot for the same. His charismatic leadership had influenced thousands of people which led the birth of Azad Hind Fauz (INA) – one major force fighting for India against the British. Before the Madras Congress Session in 1927 Subhas supported Nehru for an ultimate objective to gain Purna Swaraj or complete independence for India 5.

Subhas made an escape from India on January 16, 1941 through Afghanistan reached Germany on April 3, 1941. He was no stranger to Germany for he had spent time and time again in Europe during 1934 – 1937 though mostly in Germany, he went to Italy where he met Mussolini several times and to Austria, also. How much Subhas loved India can easily be seen from his actions to the cause of India that can be confirmed by Govind Talwalkar’s article “Among the Nazis”.

“ He was shocked by the cases of maltreatment of Indian students in Germany and Goering’s attack on Gandhiji. Subhas even wrote to Dr. A. Franz Theirfelder, Secretary General of the Indian Institute in Munich condemning the attitude of Nazis and demanding an apology from Hitler for his speech and Goering’s attack on Gandhiji.” 6

While Gandhiji detested Netaji he never did so. In fact he always defended in person outside India that was his greatness. Gandhi & Nehru therefore felt overshadowed by Netaji and his politics.

It is to be noted that during his visits and stays in Germany, he could not meet Hitler personally despite his several attempts but on 27th May, 1942, met the top brass of Germany of that hour. Furthermore, Subhas asked Hitler to clarify passages in Mein Kampf (a book which gave a very inaccurate account of his own life and set out his beliefs7 which were insulting to India Hitler explained that they were mainly aimed at discouraging the pacifist tendencies in Germany which might have been further influenced by the Indian movement8. In fact, Hitler had discouraged the non-violent path followed by Indian freedom fighters for two reasons. Firstly, the weapon Ahimsa goes against Nazism and, Secondly, admired the British imperial policy, because Hitler, had helped to copy the same after conquering Russia.

When the Japanese conquered the Malay Peninsula; a large number of Indian soldiers fell prisoners into their hands. Under an agreement with the Japanese Government, Bose, now called Netaji (Leader) organized them into an Azad Hind Fauz or Indian National Army. He inaugurated the Government of Free India at Singapore.9

It was on October 21, 1943, which is red letter day not only in the life of Subhas but also in the history of India’s Independence Movement. This Provincial Government was immediately recognized by nine powers. At midnight on October 23, the Government declared war on Britain to effect liberation from their dominion. The Indian National Army had been formed by Rash Behari Ghosh and Captain Mohon Singh and others, was reorganized and revitalized. Another significant area initiated by him was the involvement of Indian women in actual military action. Back in 1928, he had been instrumental in raising under the leadership of “Colonel” Latika Ghosh a Congress Woman’s Volunteer Corps that had marched on the streets of Calcutta in full uniform.10 When in 1943 he raised the expatriate INA in Southeast Asia, he decided to add a women’s regiment, which he called the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, named after Rani Lakshmibai, the legendary heroine of the Revolt of 1857.11 Thus, it was started with the 20 women12 maintained by Col. Dr. Lakshmi Swaminadhan Sahgal13 the Commander of the same. Under his able leadership the INA marched victoriously to Indian borders. It posted its tri-colour flag at Moirang Kangla on April 14, 1944 at about 5 pm by Col. Saukat Ali Malik, the Commander of the Bahadur (Intelligence) Group where a monument stands now in his name to honour his supreme sacrifice for the country.

It will be interesting to elaborate how Manipur became a Warfield during Second World War. On 10 and 16 May, 1942 Imphal the capital city of Manipur was bombed by the Japanese as their first raid. Thousands of Indian refugees were fleeing from Burma through Manipur. And, Imphal became the forward base of new forces built up by the Allied Forces.14 The intelligentsia including the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha – a political organisation had been waiting for impending changes in the emerging political and military scenario of the world. As had been said by Netaji, “The enemy of the British is the friend of India”. Germany, Italy and Japan though they were branded as fascist, all the leaders and workers of the Mahasabha regarded them as friends contended by Koireng15. Moreover, the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha had identical ideas and objectives with the Indian National Congress welcomed the appeal made by Netaji. Thirteen members of the Mahasabha, namely16, (1) Th. Angou Singh, (2) P. Tomal Singh, (3) S. Ibohal Singh, (4) I. Tombi Singh, (5) L. Bijoy Singh, (6) L. Kanhai Singh, (7) M. Jatra Singh, (8) W. Gyaneswar Singh, (9) M. Amuba Singh, (10) L. Irabot Singh, (11) Kh. Jugeswar Singh, (12) Smt. O. Keinya Devi and (13) Smt. K. Randhoni Devi reached Moirang secretly. They joined together with the members of Moirang and worked out their plans which could be seen by their actions. The INA along with the Japanese forces reached Manipur on 18th March, 1944 by crossing the hill tracts of Indo-Burma border17 the 15th Japanese Division with one INA regiment marched towards Tamu and Ukhrul in two ways. Ukhrul was captured. They further advanced towards Imphal-Dimapur road. In the meantime another group of the Division reached Pallel but they could not come down to the valley18 and for that matter the British forces could not stay in the hills but in the valley only. The combined forces of INA and 33rd Japanese Division advanced upto Kohima and Imphal towards Tiddim Road by capturing the British Defence Base at Khuga Valley, Yaiyok (Zezo), Thingkaiphai, Churachandpur19.

In this connection, it will be relevant to mention that some 32 (thirty-two) Meetei who earned their livelihood in Burma joined the movement under the leadership of Shri L. Guno Singh of Khurai (Manipur)20  and operated in the battle-front as an advance party. 13 out of the 32 Meeteis reached Pallel and tried to secure the secrets of enemy and also sought the support of local people. One of them was arrested at Sugnu.21 A large number of Manipuri tribals who were the erstwhile members of the British “V” Force also joined the movement and participated in the war front. One Kuki, named Lulngam Lhungdim even brought the message of Netaji from Chamol (INA Advance Base Camp) and handed it over to Dr. Gulapchand Singh, the then Medical officer posted at Sugnu, which rehanded over to Shri Thokchom Angou Singh of Singjamei, Imphal.22 Then the British force began to retreat and took defensive measures at Phougwakchao – Ithai, Tronglaobi and Okshangkhong but of no avail23. Consequently they were forced retreat and its surrounding areas to Phuballa, Ningthoukhong and then to Bishenpur – Thus the withdrawal of the 17th British Division was completed on April 13, 1944. Before the retreat of the British from Tronglaobi was their strong defence base till April 13, 194424. In the early morning of April 14, the leaders of the Indo-Japanese advance party had discussions with M. Koireng Singh, (2) L. Sanaba Singh, (3) K. Kanglen Singh and (4) M. Mani Singh and others all of Moirang at Tronglaobi Village. After taking stock of the situation, at about 5 p.m. on the same day Col. Soukat Ali Malik, planted the Tricolour Flag with springing Tiger as emblem at the historic Moirang Kangla where the INA Martyrs’ Memorial Complex is, at present taking shape.25

It was unfortunate that the Germany’s defeat in the war in April and her surrender on 3rd May, 1945 as well as the dropping of atom bombs in Hiroshima (6th August, 1945) and Nagasaki (9th August, 1945), compelled Japan to surrender to the Allied forces in the middle of August 14, 1945, the INA at Rangoon also surrendered. The members from Manipur were also arrested by the Rangoon occupying Allied Forces from their hiding places through a tip for Manipuris and put in Rangoon Central Jail. It will be relevant to know that Manipuris who took part in the INA at Rangoon were in Guest Houses at Kandogulay, Rangoon. (1) L. Irabot Singh, (2) Kh. Jugeshwar Singh and (3) I. Tombi Singh joined the active services of the INA and (1)Smt. O. Keinya Devi and (2)Smt. M. Randhoni Devi joined Jhansi Rani Regiment. The other members were attached to the Intelligence group of the INA.26

However, Subhas did not lose hope, his aspirations to achieve independence was living. On the 25th April 1945, a few days before the Japanese evacuated Rangoon, he flew out of the capital leaving behind a message in which the Government and people of Burma for their help and hospitality, and stated, inter alia:

“I am leaving Burma with a very heavy heart. We have lost only the first round. There are many more rounds to fight… I have always said that the darkest hour precedes the dawn. We are now passing through the darkest hour; there the dawn is not far off; India shall be free”.27

Whatever said and done, we assure that his foundation of the Indian National Army, its organisation in the foreign land, its programme for complete independence – all speak of his highest degree of capability during the Second World War. The great mission was executed in a grand manner and successes of the INA brought about a great damage to British interests in South-East Asia.28  Moreover, Rajaram29 contended that “the Indian Armed Forces began to see themselves as defenders of India rather than of the British Empire. This, more, than anything else, was led to India’s freedom”.

In this connection, it is pertinent to observe the contention of Chhabra30 :

“The public enthusiasm shown at the time of the INA trials the demonstrations of the Calcutta students on 19 November, 1945, who despite the police firings and lathe charge, could not be prevented from marching to the Dalhousie Square; the violent Mutiny of 3000 naval ratings on 19 Feb, the spread of this trouble to Karachi, Madras, Calcutta and Delhi and sympathetic hartals in the cities; all this showed that the fire of disaffection had spread from students to labourers, peasants, shopkeepers and now even to the common soldier without whose help the British could not stay on even for a day.

Furthermore, Rajaram31 justifically maintained : “This is also the reason why the British Empire disappeared from the face of the earth within an astonishingly short space of twenty years. Indian soldiers, who were the main prop of the Empire, were no longer willing to fight for the British. What influences the British decision was mutiny on 18th February, 1946 of the Indian Navy following the INA trials in 1946. While the British wanted to try Subhash Bose’s INA as traitor,Indian soldiers saw them as nationalists and patriots. This scared the British. They decided to get out in a hurry”.

Knowing the historical fact of facts, Rajaram32 emphatically asserted and reaffirmed on the subject matter that great historian R.C. Majumdar wrote, Subhas Bose with his INA campaigns probably contributed more to Indian independence than Gandhi, Nehru and their movements. Moreover, the result of Subhas Bose’s activities was the rise of the nationalist spirit in the Indian Armed Forces. As a matter of facts the Quit India Movement launched in 1942 were not the last uprising against the British rule in India, it was rather a part of the ongoing politics in India.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/02/revisiting-netajis-role-in-the-freedom-struggle-of-india-ina-and-manipur-perspective/

By Bobo Khuraijam
We thought we would sleep over the cacophony of the noise of democracy looming large over the Manipur horizon. Honestly, we intended to use the opportunity to take a break from the muse. Those who nurture the habit of overlooking things would claim that the democratic holler has dwindled down this time. Let them swallow their word, without chewing it, and let them suffer from indigestion. And who says that the participation of women is very less comparing with the opposite gender. We are ready to admit that their participation as candidate is low in every sense. But we shall not buy the aphorism, however cheap it may be that there is low participation of the female gender in election. Who carries the athenpot with the marching band? Not to mention that the band plays the “Sana Leibak Manipur, Manipur…” which is not less than an anthem in Manipur, keeping aside the debate whether it is sana or not! The band gives you a false euphoric feeling that the candidate has all of a sudden become patriotic. Fit enough to decorate the house walls with their framed pictures along with other celebrated ones. Offer them JCBs full of garlands and burn incense sticks with fumes heavier than the fume of the ‘Eighteen June Assembly’. Or for that matter, darker than the fumes of the funeral pyre: of the un-named and un-known souls who got sprayed by the bullets of the belts and boots.

ANEMIC REVIVAL: of the Commission has created seismic ripples this time. This is what everybody seems to be saying. We know, the candidates and their armies are not happy. In fact, now, they must be praying not for their victory. They must be praying for Commission members to be roasted in hell (if there is any) when they stop breathing forever. They have become the unsympathetic demolition man, of the dreams that the candidates nurture. Some of them dream to continue with their sojourn to the Cheiraoching foothill, some, to sit on the new chairs with the fresh smell of rubber paints. Besides, there are so many dreams they dream, which others do not dare to dream. For us, in the Leipung, the Commission is not less than a supernatural being, who can perform task, where everyone seems to have failed.

Was not there a time, a time when people screamed for the transfer of the police chief? Look, now it is done. Was not there a time, a time when nobody could not touch the don, Chandu, a sweet name to every boozer? Did you not smelled the ‘eight lakhs’ aroma that was destroyed by the dysfunctional department? They were kicked out from their slumber by the Commission. Was not there a time, a time when people used to stand on serpentine queues for a few drops of petrol or diesel near the oil pumps? Tell us, did you fill your tank from the ‘grey’ vendors, or from the stations? It is only after the godly intervention of the Commission that fuel was made available for the electioneering exercise. As far as fuel is concerned, we pray, there be election for the whole year round. It is unfortunate that cooking gas does not come under the purview of the Commission. To give a hint to them, they should sneak in to the residence of the candidates and find out the price of the LPG they use and more importantly: where from it is procured. But, here, flexing every single muscle that we have; we would throw a challenge. We bet, the Commission would be a loser in this regard. The challenge is that they should be able to collect just five hundred voter identity cards, which exactly corresponds with the authentic NAMES, ADDRESS and AGE of the voters. If they ever succeed, read carefully, we would stop musing for once and for all. We do not mean to obliterate the integrity of the Commission and its functioning by throwing this challenge. We feel that it is our rightful duty to pronounce, how hurt we are. Who on earth would not be hurt, to be given an identifying ‘appendage of democracy’ which is filled with errors? We agree that there were drives of rectifying the errors. No wonder, it ended with the same errors, hurting us even more. One would say that ours is an untimely complain. Sorry: we do not carry any baggage of regret.

RIGHT CANDIDATE: is the one we have been looking for. We easily found it. They are available and visible in abundance. Uncountable numbers of them are already here, and some of them are on the way to be here. They take out all kinds of works that the self-proclaimed social workers do. They take out school children to excursions. Digging community ponds is their unwritten duty. Distributing sewing machines is their effeminate hobby. Encouraging the youths by keeping them healthy with games and sports gear is their adventurous obligation. Distributing DTH gadgets to clubs and organisations is their televised ceremony. And lest we forget to mention one (no other social worker could match them), administering antidotes to snake bitten victims. You got it right. They are our men in olive green uniforms. We would certainly vote for them if they stand for an election. Is it high time for us to shout on the top of our voice, that there should be a re-thinking of amending the rules; of who should contest for election within the murky premise of electoral democracy?

FOOTNOTE: there has been too many Villagers’ Defence Force working in the town. Young and energetic, many of them are seen in the mean streets of Imphal. At times, they are right over the face, pampering us with their learning. Leipung Ningthou calls it, “chinggaroida hi honbagi para tambiba loinana leipak ngaakhanba”.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/02/vote-shall-we/

By Chitra Ahanthem
Every single time Manipur gets a mention in the tourism sector, one cannot help but feel serious concern about the state of unpreparedness in terms of tourist services and infrastructure. Apart from Imphal with its choice of hotels, other districts do not have any decent accommodation to write home about. Other states in the country have a whole range of home stays which are cheaper and which also aid in showcasing local cuisines and culture. But given the state of electricity in Manipur, home stays are not really a practical option.

It is not just the issue of accommodation that is the major cause of concern but a long list of gaps within the support services that should assist tourists during their stay: services that will bring in more foot fall. Services like pre paid vehicle services from the airport. Services like metered vehicle hiring: the existing system in Manipur is for a few private vehicle hiring service to dictate rates without any proper meter system. For instance, vehicle hiring in other parts of the country depends on the nature of the vehicle (AC/non AC), vehicle size and fuel kind, total distance traveled and number of hours for the hire. Compare it to Imphal where travel within Imphal main town will cost Rs 1500/- when the distance traveled and cost involved will not even amount to this grand total. But because the tourism department does not consider it within their duty to regulate for vehicles to register with their department and fix rates of hiring etc, vehicle owners laugh all the way to their banks.

Imagine you are a tourist getting into the state for the first time. What are your options for a great stay in the state? The answers are a bit depressing: apart from Imphal and day trips to places like Moirang and Andro , both places that one can visit and head back to Imphal again, there are no other options. People in the NGO sector or traveling on account of work may well take the option of travel and stay in a few districts but a bit of quick browsing on the internet will eventually show that there are no places to stay if a tourist per se is interested in places beyond Imphal.

Yes, the exotic photos of locations in the state, the dash of colour, the festivals and texture of food can get a mention of the state’s tourism potential. But scratch the surface and one can very well see what lies underneath. One very critical mention regarding tourism related publicity using photographs is needed here. Very often various departments end up using photographs without giving due credit to both professional and amateur photographers. FOOTNOTES has earlier mentioned about how the photography contest held during the Sangai Tourism Festival organized by the Tourism Department did not mention anything about copyright issues and how many times the photograph submissions would be used. It has been mentioned in this column earlier about how photographs end up being used multiple number of times and being used by various government departments, thereby exploiting photographers who submit their pictures. The Tourism Department needs to make sure that copyright issues are sorted out before organizing photography contests and using the photographs submitted therein.

To come back to how first time tourists must be seeing in the state, once they land: imagine reaching the airport and then taking overpriced autos or other vehicles to their places of stay in their hotel of choice. From the airport to the hotels, he/she will see two distinct entities: one is definitely the mounds of garbage especially starting from Keishampat area and on the river sides of market areas (Paona Bazaar, Thangal Bazaar, Naga Mapal) while the second would be the presence of various uniform colours of security personnel. The later cannot be wished away and has no direct bearing on whether tourists will come to the state or not. After all, Jammu and Kashmir still attracts many more tourists as does many middle-east countries where law and order situation is a major issue. The cinch comes in over the matter of whether the presence of security personnel aids tourists or hinder their movements: whether they can be reliable support systems. Do the police or other security forces in the state have a nodal officer or point person who can be contacted if tourists fall into a bit of a spot? The matter of garbage in Imphal is disconcerting. An NGO involved in collecting garbage from households in Imphal was recently awarded a UN level distinction for being environment friendly. If only the award panel knew about what happens to the garbage that does get collected, they may well end up penalizing the NGO. The Tourism Department must also make sure that they do not put out anything about Langol being a possible tourism destination for nature walks or hiking or taking a drive: the sight of garbage and the stink is what would greet tourists! In between, a random survey of households in Imphal will also throw open the story of how the garbage collection has almost stopped in most places while the rest will complain of irregular pick ups, resulting in throwing off of garbage on the river banks all over again.

End-point:
The Tourism department cannot take up the stand- alone responsibility of ensuring that support systems are in place for making Manipur a tourist spot. In fact, there is an ever- increasing need for various departments to work in partnership with one another with the Tourism Department taking a lead. There is also an increasing need to invest in travel writing: the brochures that one gets to see are sterile sentences that end up looking line banal descriptions. Another key area that has to be given importance is to make sure that government certifications be allotted to eating joints with special focus on traditional cuisines. What passes off as “Chinese” and “Continental” in Manipur will never ever match the range or taste that is available in the rest of the country. If Manipur has to be sold in the tourism market as exotica, the range of local cuisine is the best shot. It is certainly commendable that government departments and private agencies are coming together to make tourists take note of Manipur as a destination but more needs to be done: a lot of initiatives needs to be thought out well, planned out and implemented effectively. In today’s world of social networking sites, if tourist support systems are in place, tourists will come calling on their own: the real award actually!

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/02/manipur-tourism-missing-pieces/

By B.G. Verghese
February 27 will mark the tenth anniversary of the dreadful Gujarat riots.One needs to rewind to that date, not fast forward as the BJP has been strenuously attempting to do to crown NarendraModi as prime minister even though Advani has been patiently queuing for the job. Modi’s PR men talk of Gujarat’s “good governance”, rapid industrial growth and favourable investment climate and plead that healed wounds should not be reopened as Muslims have come to terms with 2002.This is facile and betrays a nervous and guilty mind as the net closes in on the man who presided over that genocide.

Due process has been unconscionably delayed. Victims have been hounded and jailed while the guilty walk free. Evidence has been destroyed, sometimes through fake encounters as dead men tell no tales. Attempts to frustrate or prematurely close cases have compelled the High Court and Supreme Court to intervene and order special investigations, monitoring committees and periodic progress reports. These orders are being foughtsystematically, and as honest officials and former collaborators turn approvers pressures are mounted on them.

It is in this situation that Modi has completed his so-called sadbhavana or “reconciliation” fasts in all district headquarters, flamboyant shows allegedly staged at state expense to muster political support. The fact is that Modi’s record constitutes a most flagrant defiance of Justice in keeping with his sinister warning broadcast to the people of Gujarat over Doordarshanwithin days of the holocaust.In sum, the distilled message was that those who want peace must not seek justice. (See “Rights and Wrongs: Ordeal by Fire in the Killing Fields of Gujarat”, the Editors Guild of India Fact-Finding Mission Report, May 3, 2002).

How can anybody pit Peace against Justice, least of all a chief minister bound by his oath of office to uphold the cherished values of the Constitution and human rights? What is this if not ambushing the Constitution in a fake encounter! And how can there be reconciliation without admission or establishment of the truth? Recall how the National Human Rights Commission under its then Chairman, former chief justice J.S. Verma, had furiously to battle the lies and subterfuges of the Gujarat administration against Modi’s stoic denials and his stubborn defence by the NDA Government, particularly through the Home Minister L.K. Advani whose utterances were replete with rich encomiums for the swift and firm manner in which Modi had controlled the riots. (See “Rights and Wrongs”).

There was no expression of remorse either by Modi or Advani. Indeed, the only regret from anyone associated with the NDA, BJP or SanghParivar, came from AtalBihari Vajpayee. The then prime minister expressed his pain and shock and called on Modi to observe “raj dharma”. He wished Modi to resign, but was openly overruled, sidelined and shushed into silence by his Parivar colleagues. That episode in itself told a story of defiance, unrepentance and conspiracy.

As for Modi, his grim boast was telecast over Ahmedabad’s Doordarshan station on February 28, 2002: “I want to assure the people that Gujarat shall not tolerate any such incident (the Godhra train burning). The culprits will get full punishment for their sins. Not only this, we will set an example that nobody, not even in his dreams, thinks of committing a serious crime like this. The Gujarat Government …. shall not allow those who want to take law into their hands  to destroy the peace of innocent citizens. Such culprits cannot have any place in a civilised society”.  He did however call on the “innocents” to observe peace and restraint and promised that the government that would punish the culprits”. He was later to expound his “action-reaction” thesis”.

The “reaction” was inflamed by an official decision to take the bodies of those burnt to death in the Sabarmati Express at Godhra to Ahmedabad. The stops on the way attracted emotional crowds. There was a state-sponsored bandh on February 28. The verdict had been pronounced. Everybody knew who the “culprits” were and who must be taught a lesson. 

Five weeks later, this writer was part of the Editors Guild Fact Finding Mission to Gujarat.He was rudely interrupted while preparing to take evidence at the Circuit Hose in Ahmedabad. A mob of Parivar supporters burst into the room shouting “Hindu haiyaMussalman”? No surprise, when Modihad himself been openly spiting venom against Muslims in general and not at proven “culprits”. 

The Guild team met Modi in Gandhinagar. Present in his room at the Sachivalaya were all relevant senior civil and police officials. He was not batting alone. Yet he was virtually unable to provide a coherent answer to our questions.

Why were certain ministers and strangers present in the police control room during the riots; why were certain police officers who stood their ground and threatened to fire on rampaging mobs immediately “promoted” andtransferred; why was there no action following the daylight attack on the office of the State Wakf Board and State Minorities Commission in the Old Secretariat; why was no action was taken against Ahmedabad dailies that spread inflammatory canards; why was nothing done to save Gulberg  Society despite repeated calls by EhsanJafri spread over several hours; why was no action taken following an attack on two Muslim High Court Judges; how were a large number of Muslim shrines and graves razed without any action, including the Dargah of Wali Gujarati, a prominent landmark that was demolished and overnight paved over ostensibly to permit a better flow of traffic! The indifference and evasion was astonishing.

Relief and rehabilitation was largely left to private initiative, with the State at best playing a grudging or negative role. Certain areas were barred as relief camp sites on the ground that this would provoke trouble. The rehabilitation grants sent from the Centre were not speedily utilised. Compensation was discriminatory and tardy. In many cases FIRs were not registered and a boycott of Muslim economic activity was allowed to be mounted. Earlier, Muslim shops had been systematically looted. Muslims were openly scorned for producing babies. Modi’s own provocative phrase was “Hum panch, wohpachees”.

The State Information Directorate’s press releases (See “Rights and Wrongs”) were a travesty. Modi was hailed as ChhoteSardar and Hindu traders assured of every support to ensure their continued progress. Godhra was described as “inhuman genocide” and in one press note as “a pre-planned inhuman collective violent act of terrorism” (by whom and on what evidence or finding?).On the other hand, the ensuing pogrom incidentswereinvariably labelled as “disturbances” or, occasionally, as “violent disturbances”. The subsequent transcript of phone taps and the Tehelka sting tapes of boastful confessions by prominent killers make chilling reading.

And now, as Modi finds the truth closing in on him, the BJP points to the 1984 riots, another utterly disgraceful blot on India. But two wrongs do not make a right. The Truth about Gujarat must come out and Justice must be done.
www.bgverghese .com

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2012/02/rewind-to-2002-not-fast-forward/