Kuki – Manipur News

INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension

Fresh Horror Struck Tronglaobi in Bishnupur District as Suspected Militant Strike Turns a Home into a Living Grave. TFM Report The Imphal Valley, particularly Bishnupur District, has been gripped by tension and rising public anger since early morning Tuesday (April 7, 2026), after the news of the killing of two children and their mother […]

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Fresh Horror Struck Tronglaobi in Bishnupur District as Suspected Militant Strike Turns a Home into a Living Grave.

TFM Report

The Imphal Valley, particularly Bishnupur District, has been gripped by tension and rising public anger since early morning Tuesday (April 7, 2026), after the news of the killing of two children and their mother in an improvised rocket/pompi attack.

According to sources, suspected Kuki militants launched a projectile—believed to be a rocket—targeting a civilian residence in Moirang Tronglaobi village. The explosive struck the house directly through a window, triggering a powerful blast that killed two young siblings and left their mother seriously injured.

Siblings Aged 5 Years and 5 Months Killed

The victims have been identified as a five-year-old boy, his five-month-old sister and their mother who later succumbed to injuries, as per sources from the locality. The explosion caused significant damage to the house and sent shockwaves across Imphal valley, with village residents rushing to the scene in an attempt to rescue the injured.

*The children struck by the splinters of from the rocket blast being ruched to a nearby hospital. Source: Social Media*

Locals claimed the projectile was fired from nearby hill slopes, suggesting that the launch point was located more than three kilometres away. Tronglaobi lies along the vulnerable hill-valley fringe near Moirang in Bishnupur district, close to the elevated areas of Churachandpur district, a region that has witnessed repeated tensions in since May 3, 2023.

Fury Spills into Streets – Police Station Gate Torched by Irate Mob

By post-dawn, irate mobs converged at the Moirang Police Station and burnt down the gate, as anger over the deaths of the two children boiled over. Reports are emerging that the incident is likely to trigger widespread protest and subsequent reactions across the valley, raising fears of a fresh spiral of violence.

Security Tightened – Forces Deployed Along Hill-Valley Boundary

As expected, security has been significantly tightened across the area following the attack, an act considered too late by the public. Additional forces have been deployed to prevent further escalation, while surveillance and search operations are underway in adjoining hill regions. Authorities are also closely monitoring other sensitive villages along the hill-valley boundary to avert any further incidents, said a source.

The post INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension

The post INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Fresh Horror Struck Tronglaobi in Bishnupur District as Suspected Militant Strike Turns a Home into a Living Grave.

TFM Report

Siblings Aged 5 Years and 5 Months Killed

Fury Spills into Streets – Police Station Gate Torched by Irate Mob

Security Tightened – Forces Deployed Along Hill-Valley Boundary

The post INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension

The post INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Fresh Horror Struck Tronglaobi in Bishnupur District as Suspected Militant Strike Turns a Home into a Living Grave.

TFM Report

Siblings Aged 5 Years and 5 Months Killed

Fury Spills into Streets – Police Station Gate Torched by Irate Mob

Security Tightened – Forces Deployed Along Hill-Valley Boundary

The post INNOCENT BLOODS SHED: Rocket Attack Kills Two Children & Severely Injures Mother, Imphal Valley Seized By Massive Tension first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Can Khemchand withstand the anger of Churachandpur?

Churachandpur has long been home to multiple identity groups—Kuki, Zo, Paite, Hmar—often spoken of as a single political bloc. During the peak of ethnic strife in Manipur, these groups projected a united front, speaking in one voice across platforms and asserting that they were inseparable, two sides of the same coin. That narrative, however, is […]

The post Can Khemchand withstand the anger of Churachandpur? first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

By Leichombam Kullajit

Who, in reality, controls Churachandpur today? The question may sound awkward, even misplaced, considering that Manipur now has a newly sworn-in government led by Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh. Constitutionally and administratively, the answer should be obvious. Yet, the political atmosphere on the ground suggests a far more complicated reality.
Almost immediately after the swearing-in ceremony—alongside four cabinet colleagues, including former minister Nemcha Kipgen, now elevated to Deputy Chief Minister—waves of resentment began surfacing from sections of Churachandpur district and the wider Kangpokpi region. The anger, largely articulated by groups identifying themselves as Kuki-Zo, is rooted in their outright rejection of the new government. Their position is uncompromising: Kuki-Zo legislators, they insist, should not participate in governance unless the Centre grants their long-standing demand for a “separate administration” or a Union Territory with legislative powers.
If viewed in isolation, such demands could be framed as an attempt—however controversial—to find a political solution to the violence that erupted between the Meiteis and Kukis nearly three years ago. But a closer reading of statements and press releases issued by various organisations in Churachandpur reveals a deeper, more unsettling truth. The conflict, it appears, is no longer merely between communities; it is increasingly internal.
Churachandpur has long been home to multiple identity groups—Kuki, Zo, Paite, Hmar—often spoken of as a single political bloc. During the peak of ethnic strife in Manipur, these groups projected a united front, speaking in one voice across platforms and asserting that they were inseparable, two sides of the same coin. That narrative, however, is now visibly unraveling.
Today, these same groups stand openly opposed to one another, exposing fractures that had long existed beneath the surface. The question of “who controls what” has become central, and with it, the realization that these identities—once portrayed as indivisible—are fundamentally distinct, with competing interests that may never fully converge, regardless of power or circumstance.
This brings the focus squarely back to Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh. A senior BJP leader with years of political experience, he now faces a test that goes far beyond cabinet management or legislative coordination. The real challenge lies outside the assembly—posed by fractured groups, hardened narratives, and ambitious, often reckless, political actors operating at the margins.
Whether Khemchand can withstand these storms will depend on more than political survival. It will rest on his willingness to assert authority, draw clear lines between negotiation and lawlessness, and demonstrate that peace and normalcy are not slogans but enforceable goals. Accommodation and dialogue are essential—but so are limits.
Allowing unlawful activities to flourish in select pockets of the state risks undermining not only governance but the Chief Minister’s own credibility and judgment. This moment, therefore, is an acid test of leadership.
At the same time, those who speak in the language of defiance must also reckon with reality. History has shown that demands achieved through chaos and confrontation rarely endure. There are paths to negotiation, and there are consequences for pursuing goals that are neither feasible nor constitutional.
Manipur stands at a delicate crossroads. Whether it moves toward reconciliation or deeper fragmentation may well depend on how firmly—and wisely—its new Chief Minister navigates the anger of Churachandpur.

The post Can Khemchand withstand the anger of Churachandpur? first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Stolen years of Manipur’s history ?

Today, Manipur stands fractured. What is often described as “ethnic violence” between Meiteis and Kukis has stretched into its third year, with no clear end in sight. Highways remain blockaded, normal life is suspended, and an entire generation of young people is growing up amid fear, displacement, and uncertainty. By Leichombam Kullajit Manipur’s present tragedy […]

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By Leichombam Kullajit

Manipur’s present tragedy is not merely a clash of communities; it is the cumulative outcome of years of political manipulation, calculated neglect, and strategic opportunism. What is unfolding today is not an accident of history, but the consequence of choices long made and quietly sustained.
The Government of India is well aware that a significant portion of the Kuki population in Manipur traces its origins to cross-border migration from Myanmar, facilitated by the porous and forested frontiers of Mizoram and Manipur. It is also aware of the harsh realities many of these migrants face—precarious living conditions, economic marginalisation, and the pervasive influence of criminal networks, including drug trafficking, in the region across the eastern border.
Yet, instead of addressing these vulnerabilities through meaningful development, rehabilitation, and integration, the Indian state chose a different path. It identified grievance as an instrument and despair as a resource. These marginalised communities were not uplifted; they were used—deployed as strategic proxies in the state’s long-standing effort to counter insurgencies it perceived as existential threats, particularly those involving Meitei and Naga movements in the northeastern subcontinent.

This reality is not lost on the Kukis themselves. They understand the nature of their exploitation and the unspoken bargain it entailed: compliance in exchange for recognition, protection, and the distant promise of political accommodation. It is within this context that the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement of 2008 must be understood.
Many continue to ask how nearly 25 armed Kuki militant organisations—fragmented along clan lines—could suddenly emerge under the banner of defending the Indian Constitution. Unlike Meitei or Naga insurgent groups, which evolved over decades in open defiance of the Indian state, these organisations appeared abruptly, accepted constitutional legitimacy, and entered into SoO arrangements with remarkable ease. Prior to the 1990s, there were no consolidated Kuki militant platforms such as the KNO or UPF, nor were there articulated political demands of comparable scale. This raises an unavoidable question: on what basis did the Indian Army negotiate a Suspension of Operations with groups that posed no direct challenge to the territorial integrity of the country?
The answer, many believe, lies in a strategic calculation. For New Delhi, the principal obstacle was never the Kukis or their armed groups—it was the entrenched political aspirations of the Meiteis and the Nagas. In that equation, the Kukis became a convenient counterweight.
Today, Manipur stands fractured. What is often described as “ethnic violence” between Meiteis and Kukis has stretched into its third year, with no clear end in sight. Highways remain blockaded, normal life is suspended, and an entire generation of young people is growing up amid fear, displacement, and uncertainty. Under these circumstances, it is reasonable to ask whether the crisis has been allowed—perhaps even engineered—to linger, quietly stealing the future of Manipur’s youth and erasing irreplaceable chapters of its history.
Political games may succeed for a time, but they cannot endure indefinitely. If the Government of India genuinely seeks peace, stability, and justice in Manipur, it must abandon short-term tactical thinking and confront the deeper causes of the conflict it helped shape. Otherwise, the burden of this unresolved crisis will not only continue to devastate Manipur—it will return, heavier and more complex, to the very state that once believed it could control the outcome.

( Leichombam Kullajit is a senior jounalist based in Imphal.)

The post Stolen years of Manipur’s history ? first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/stolen-years-of-manipurs-history/

ST Demand Issue: Positive discrimination, affirmative action and the cracks within

India’s reservation policy has spawned forms of conflicting categories of the ‘exploiter’ and the ‘exploited’, the ‘dominant’ and the ‘subservient’ as if these binaries exist in a permanent cycle sans the dynamics of wresting political power at play. By Dhiren A. Sadokpam In recent times, the political elites of three primary ethnic groups in Manipur […]

The post ST Demand Issue: Positive discrimination, affirmative action and the cracks within first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

By Dhiren A. Sadokpam

In recent times, the political elites of three primary ethnic groups in Manipur are caught in a whirlpool of anxiety propelled by palpable dissonance in political objectives. This anxiety is not necessarily triggered by the differences in speculative autonomy-demands or even demands based on administrative separatism.

The main anxiety has been caused by the way how the communities have effectively understood the political ideas behind positive discrimination, affirmative action or what in the Indian subcontinent is being referred to as the reservation policy of communities that have apparently lagged behind in holistic development. The most recent play-out that has triggered the spells of anxiety and tension has been the demand of a community considered advanced in comparison to its neighbours, to be included in the Scheduled List of Tribes in India.

While the proponents of the demand and those opposing the same have resorted to socio-political and historical reasoning, both the parties seem to have skipped re-looking at either redefining or refining the concepts they would love to toy with. One is not sure if both the conflicting parties have understood that India’s reservation policy presupposes a social fact – centuries of oppression of one group by another. This presupposition assumes a determinate but constant ‘unchanging oppressor and oppressed’ and ‘advanced’ and ‘backward’ communities. The ‘constant’ is supposedly created by a social order that determined identities of each castes, communities and tribes. This has spawned forms of conflicting categories of the ‘exploiter’ and the ‘exploited’, the ‘dominant’ and the ‘subservient’ as if these binaries exist in a permanent cycle in all societies sans the dynamics of wresting political power at play.

For the mainland India, these terms are defined in relation to the hereditary caste order whereas for Northeast India, the same has been defined by amorphous understandings of communities guided by colonial agenda of the British whose administrators first chose to categorize people from the mixed-prism of the caste order or an anthropological understanding of a system which they considered was durable.

It is against this backdrop that United Naga Council, Manipur (UNC) and the Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM) have raised objections to the Manipur High Court’s directive to the Government of Manipur to send its recommendation for the inclusion of Meetei Community in the list of Scheduled list of Tribes to the Government of India. The directive of the high court was passed on March 27.

Strident Voices and Social Tension

The UNC stated that “the Meitei/Meetei community of Manipur is an advanced community of India” with their language, Manipuri (Meiteilon) listed in the Eight Schedule to the constitution of India.

“They are already protected under Constitution of India and categorized as (i) General (ii) Other Backward Classes (OBC) and (iii) Schedule Caste (SC),” said the UNC.

UNC termed it irrational that the High Court of Manipur directed the Government of Manipur to recommend for inclusion of Meitei/Meetei community in the Scheduled Tribe (ST) list of India, “negating the sole objective of scheduling group of people for protective discrimination as ST in the Constitution of India”. The Naga body has strongly condemned and called the high court order “inane” for making “such imbecilic recommendation despite strong opposition from Scheduled tribes of the state”.

The common refrain and rationale behind the objections raised by both UNC and KIM has been rubbished by the proponents of those demanding a Scheduled Tribe status for the Meetei community. One strident voice has been that of the Kangleipak Kanba Lup (KKL). KKL has critiqued the objections in their own characteristic way stating that the demand for the inclusion of Meetei in the Scheduled list of Tribes in the Constitution of India is not aimed at grabbing “jobs” either from the Naga or Kuki communities of Manipur. It has asserted that the demand is based on safeguarding their “little bit of land” now confined to less than 2000 square kilometers out of the 20,000 square kilometers of the entire state of Manipur.

The KKL has made it clear that the Naga and the Kuki communities need not fear about grabbing “their job reservation quotas currently enforced in Manipur which will remain status quo”. The organization also unequivocally asserted that the UNC and KIM have “no birth right” to deny any other scheduled tribes of India that job opportunity.

The KKL had a message for the UNC too. It reiterated that the Manipuri Language being classified as scheduled languages of India under the Eight Schedule has nothing to do with the classification of the Meetei as a scheduled tribe of India. “Anyway Manipuri language is not confined to the Meeteis only but serves as a Lingua Franca amongst all the tribal communities of Manipur be it between the Nagas and the Kukis but amongst their various sub-tribes also”, it pointed out.

Moreover, the UNC has also been reminded that it was Th Muivah, the top National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM) leader who had stated that “only the Nagas and the Meeteis are the indigenous peoples” of Manipur. KKL asked, “So what is the idea of joining hands with the Kukis to block the way for the survival of the Meeteis under the Indian Constitution”. To the question of Meeteis being more advanced than the other tribes of Manipur, KKL asserted that it has nothing to do with genealogy but “mode of production” experienced by the communities.

The Meetei community began to practice settled agriculture and had more time to concentrate on arts, culture and literature while the hill tribes hitherto used to follow a different form of agriculture “before switching to poppy plantation” in recent times that had made them “all become rich”, said KKL.

The organization winded up their statement on a harsher note stating that it would be wrong on the part of both the Naga and the Kuki communities to consider the Meetei community as their “common enemy or else will be constrained to oppose every move or demand made by any tribal group either Naga or Kuki”.

The exchange of statements may not lead towards a reconciliation on the sensitive topic. As the articulation of the issue by those supporting the demand for inclusion of Meetei in Scheduled Tribe list up the ante on their movement, the objections by Naga and Kuki tribal bodies may get shriller by the day.

Empowerment and Social Justice

In all these voices, what has been missed is a dispassionate inter-community/ethnic group deliberation on what would be the best option for all communities to progress and under what protective or empowering mechanism. While the fact of discrimination cannot be denied in one’s everyday experience, ethnicization or communalization of the issue would only create unbridgeable distance between communities. Under such circumstances, one will not be able to project the fact that there are no permanent oppressor and permanent oppressed or instil the fact that the idea of permanent and constant binaries will lead to over-generalization of a theoretical framework to achieve quick practical results.

What is of utmost importance now is truly and honestly grasping the fact that emancipating the socially underprivileged and the marginalized irrespective of community or tribal affiliation or within the same community is a move towards social justice. While doing so, one should not forget that the idea of empowerment of the individual has a far greater value and virtue than a protective mechanism that tends to perpetuate redundant binaries or historical contradictions.

Here, it should also be noted that India’s reservation policy emerged out of a deep flaw in understanding the complex relationship between the conceptions of the ‘cultural/social’ and the ‘economic’. Having said this, elsewhere, this writer had also argued that the stereotyping of the Meetei as a Hindu society both within Manipur and outside, in the image of mainland Hindu ethos and practices has manufactured the idea of the ‘constant exploiter’ and the ‘constant exploited’ in Manipur.

While Hinduised Meeteis have been identified with the former, all other non-Hindu communities are shown as ‘exploited’. Such is the handiwork of those who harp on the ‘politics of divide’ and benefit from it; and endorsed by the ‘ignorant other’ who is happy to own up anything that comes closer to the intolerant and imagined pan-Indian vision.

(Dhiren A. Sadokpam is Editor-in-Chief, The Frontier Manipur. This article was first published by EastMojo under the title ‘ST demand for Meetei: First, acknowledge the cracks within’)

The post ST Demand Issue: Positive discrimination, affirmative action and the cracks within first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Manipuri is a classical language

Free Thinker What is the oldest language in the world? Historians remain inconclusive and indifferent because of fragile and conflicting evidences. However, we can mention some of the oldest languages like – Hebrew, Harappan, Mesopotamian, Mayan, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Chinese, Tamil, Egyptian, Nordic, Latin, Greek, Tibetan, Persian, Africans and many others. Of course, Manipuri is also one […]

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2017/04/manipuri-is-a-classical-language/

Manipur during 1960s

About Manipur: Manipur is a state in northeastern India, with the city of Imphal as its capital. It is bounded by Nagaland to the north, Mizoram to the south, and Assam to the west; Burma (Myanmar) lies to its east. The state covers an area of 22,327 square kilometres (8,621 sq mi) and has a […]

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2017/03/manipur-during-1960s/

The Kuki Identity then and now

Tribes belonging to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo or otherwise Zomi have close socio-cultural affinity in terms of their culture, tradition, language, custom and traditional administrative system. They are one and the same people who were collectively called ‘Kuki’ in India and ‘Chin’ in Myanmar. The Kukis are one of the native ethnic communities in Manipur having its […]

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2016/11/the-kuki-identity-then-and-now/

Looking along community divide For administrative convenience

Four major communities in Manipur. The Meitei, Naga, Kuki and Pangal. The population as per the 2011 Census is 28,55,794 and the geographical area of the State is 22,327 square kilometres. For 28,55,794 people stretched over an area of 22,327 square kilometres, Manipur has nine districts, Bishnupur, Chandel, Churachandpur, Imphal East, Imphal West, Senapati, Tamenglong, […]

Peace talks on the verge of final solution : NSCN (IM) Settle our case first : Kuki bodies

IMPHAL, Sep 1 : In the face of the NSCN (IM) recently announcing that the peace talk with the Government of India is on the verge of a final solution, the Kuki Inpi (Revived Apex Body) and Kuki Movement for Human Rights Trust have submitted a joint memorandum to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to first […]

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Peace talks on the verge of final solution : NSCN (IM) Settle our case first : Kuki bodies

The post Peace talks on the verge of final solution : NSCN (IM) Settle our case first : Kuki bodies appeared first on KanglaOnline.

Kuki bodies appeal CM to declare state holiday on December 19

IMPHAL, June 14: Kuki apex bodies the Kuki Inpi Manipur and the Kuki Students’ Organisation general headquarters have submitted a memorandum to Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh appealing for declaration of December 19 as State holiday in tribute to the Anglo-Kuki War (1917-19). The memorandum signed by Kuki Inpi Manipur president Thangkhosei Haokip and KSO […]

Kuki bodies condemn, urge

Chandel, May 23: Kuki civil society organizations of Chandel district have vehemently condemned the Hengshi ambush in which six AR jawans were killed on Sunday and condoled the demise of the AR jawans.
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Read more / Original news source: http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/kuki-bodies-condemn-urge/

Candor in Solving Meitei-Tribal Problems

The Three Bill Stalemate in Manipur has remained unresolved during the past 6 months with the adversaries in locked horns. It still is continuingg more of a game for political hardliners steadfast on their original stands making third party intervention a difficult proposition. One possible outcome of such a situation is obliteration of the

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2016/03/candor-in-solving-meitei-tribal-problems/

Manipur Head Teacher Beaten to Death by ‘Suspected’ NSCN-IM cadres – DNA Reports

Suspected terrorists belonging to the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) fraction shot down a teacher at Aimol village in Manipur’s Chandel district on Monday.

Kuki Black day to be observed today

KANGPOKPI, September 12: The Kuki Black Day or Sahnit Ni in Kuki dialect will be observed for Justice at Kangpokpi tomorrow. Chonkam Kipgen, Chairman of Kangpokpi Town Committee said that

Kuki Black Day (Photo for representation only)

KANGPOKPI, September 12: The Kuki Black Day or Sahnit Ni in Kuki dialect will be observed for Justice at Kangpokpi tomorrow.

Chonkam Kipgen, Chairman of Kangpokpi Town Committee said that as part of the observation of the Kuki Black Day all churches within Kangpokpi will organize a mass prayer in their respective areas tomorrow morning.

In the evening at around 6 pm, candle lit service will be organized at the memorial monument site in front of the Inspector Bungalow (I.B) at Kangpokpi under the aegis of Kangpokpi Town Committee in collaboration with KWWO and KYU, he informed.

A giant black banner reading, `Kuki Black Day`™ has already been put up in the heart of the town and every household members of the town had been informed to hang a black flag in their respective households as a mark of mourning, homage and pray for justice.

He also appealed to all the denizens of Kangpokpi to participate in the candle lit service.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/09/kuki-black-day-to-be-observed-today/

People of Manipur Protection Bill – Lost in Translation: Linda Chhakchhuak

By Linda Chhakchhuak 07 September, 2015 Countercurrents.org Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most

Manipur police truck has been burnt down by the agitators on the road at Churachandpur
Photo: Deepak Shijagurumayum

By Linda Chhakchhuak

07 September, 2015
Countercurrents.org

Some folklore say that Manipur is land of the three brothers. They are the Meitei, Naga and the Kuki communities. But as most brotherhood stories go they inevitably ended up disagreeing and quarrelling over the inheritance left by their fathers. This myth seems to sum up the history of this troubled northeastern state of India which is once again engulfed in blood, soot and tears.

This being an age in which the information highway passes through almost every hand with a mobile phone, the war cries, chest thumping and ill conceived rumors were mass knowledge in a span of few minutes, each post more virulent than the earlier one igniting ire. Not too soon after the by now famous three Bills were passed in the Manipur Legislative Assembly on August 31, the house of a Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) went up in flames. Homes of Manipur’s health minister Phungzathang Tonsing and five other MLAs were set afire during the protests. Eight persons died in the subsequent mob quelling actions by the state police.

The “angry mob” was people of the hills districts mad at their own tribal MLAs for not standing up against the three Bills which they claimed was a deviously diabolical game to take away their land rights and making them strangers in their own homeland.

The three Bills are The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh) Amendment Bill 2015 (MLRLR Bill 2015), The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 and The Manipur Shops and Establishments Act (Second) Amendment Bill 2015, collectively meant to be the Government of Manipur’s solution to the months long demand for implementation of Inner Line Permit system by the Meitei organizations to protect them from the high rate of influx of outsiders. The states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh have the ILP system which are British enactments made for their own benefit but vaunted as a wall against assimilation from outsiders today.

Obviously the polity is so steeped in local conspiracy theory that common people have not a shred of trust left in the persons they themselves had voted to represent them. On the other hand neither did the representatives or the Government make any effort to get public opinion before legislating on such a sensitive issue. That cost them their homes and credibility. But did people understand what they were they out in the streets for, braving bullets and death?

The MLRLR Bill 2015 clearly outlines the unenviable situation of the Meitei people, who inhabit the valley portion of the Manipur state. The state is 90 percent hills and 10 percent plains. But demography wise, the valley is packed with 60 percent of the total population of the state (27 lakhs plus). The density 731 persons as opposed to 61 persons in the hills just go to show what the valley people are up against. Under the main 1960 MRLR Act, Scheduled Tribes of the state who are native of the hills can buy land and settle down in the plains. On the other hand the plains based Meitei people are forbidden to acquire land in the hills by this same law. This same Law permits the Scheduled Tribe (ST) to sell off their lands in the valley with the provision that if they are selling it to a non-Scheduled Tribe it can be done only with the consent of the Deputy Commissioner. This would mean that if they are disposing it off to another Scheduled Tribe person, then it would not need any consent of the DC.

What seems to be happening as can be surmised from reading between the lines of the MRLR Amendment Bill 2015 is that there is an influx of ‘outsiders’, not so much as that of non-tribals from outside the state, but also of persons of affiliated kins-tribes from across the network of Kuki-Chin-Mizo community as well as Nagas from neighboring borders whether it is from Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam and Myanmar. Affiliated and based on close-knit kinship systems it is impossible to differentiate the ‘native ST’ from the ‘outsider Tribes’ in the state where the buying and selling of land may be happening. This is a cause of concern for the valley inhabitants of the Meitei heritage, who are struggling to keep their ancestral lands from slipping away right under their noses. They are a beleaguered people hemmed in by dozens of problems, the least of them being officially categorized as “non-tribal” , settled on the fulcrum of a tribal volcano of resentment. (Long ago they refused to be clubbed under the category of “Tribe” which they want reversed now but it is another complicated
story.)

Instead of directly dealing with the issue of influx, the MRLR (Seventh) Amendment Bill2015 seeks to curtail this transfer by invoking sale against the “Non Manipur Person”(NMP). The amendment is to ‘regulate the sale of land to Non Manipur Persons of the state so that the limited land in the valley is available to the permanent residents of the state in the interests of the general public.” From now on any sale and transfer of land in the valley to Non Manipur Persons of the state, firms, institutions or any other entities intending to purchase land will be done only after getting state government approval. This is actually a cry for space and the plight of the growing population of Meitei people and the other non-tribal residents of the tiny valley jostling for space with the Scheduled tribe people who have the upper hand as far as the right to buy or sell land in the state is concerned.

The MRLR (Seventh) Amendment 2015 is supported by The Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. The objective of this Bill is to regulate the entry and exit of Non Manipur Persons and tenants. It defines who are the “Manipur People” in Clause 2 section (b) which says “b) “Manipur people” means Persons of Manipur whose name are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951 Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed to the collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur;. This is the clause which has raised mayhem among the Kuki affiliate tribes and the Nagas who say, rightly, that during the early fifties there was hardly any infrastructure or government presence capable of capturing the whole population of the region in a register.

But these misgivings should have melted as the Bill carries a caveat in Paragraph 8 which unequivocally states that the persons to be exempted under the provisions of this Bill are “the native people of the state of Manipur.” The Bill does not give details about this, but going by definition by the heavyweight expert on Manipur, T C Hodson it refers to the Meitei, Kuki and Naga of the state.

Predictably, politicians of all hues and categories from the inside the state and the neighboring regions of Manipur have lost no time in fishing in troubled waters of Manipur. They should know better as the same equations of conflict are just a spark away in their own homes and states.

(Linda Chhakchhuak is an independent Journalist and anthropologist, based in Shillong, Meghalaya)

Who is a Meitei ? – Yumnam Devjit

Who is a Meitei ? As a young boy I was always troubled by the question of, who am I? And like all of us from Manipur who studied outside,

Festival Of the Gods – Lai Harouba

Who is a Meitei ?

As a young boy I was always troubled by the question of, who am I? And like all of us from Manipur who studied outside, the problem was made worse by the constant taunts of ill mannered school/college mates; Chinky, Chinese, Nepali, Japanese, Chimpu. These were the common identity given to us. These comments made me angry and resolute to find out who I was? What was Manipur? Who are the Meiteis? School text books offered no help either, there wasn’t any mention of Manipur anywhere in history. I had to find it out on my own.

First of all let me put this straight, no matter what language we speak, what color our skin is or what religion we are. We are all Homo sapiens, one specie.

There is a theory called “out of Africa theory”. It proposes that man evolved from apes into humans (Homo sapiens) in Africa and moved from Africa to the rest of the world. These migrations were done as families or group of families. Whichever group wanted to move on, moved on and which ever wanted to stay at a place stayed and became the natives of the place. The natives of Andaman Islands the Jarawas were one of the groups who went out from Africa and they settled in the Andaman Islands. Their relative isolation has left them unchanged in features and culture from the tribes of Africa.

During this time of migration Manipur was submerged under a sea called the Tethys Sea. Due to this, Manipur never had any original out of Africa settlers. However later on as the Indian subcontinent began to push into Asia the land began to rise and the sea gradually disappeared and gave way to mountain chains, in what is now the north east India.

As habitable land began to emerge in these places, the region was claimed by 2 major groups. The Tibeto Chinese tribes coming from the north and the Thai tribes from the east. The southernmost settlements of the Tibeto Chinese tribes were the northern hills of Manipur and the western most settlements of the Thai tribes were the territories of the Khasis. Drawing a straight line through the middle of the overlapping regions of the tribes, those settling to the north of this line were Tibeto Chinese tribes and south of it were the Thai tribes.

In our quest to find the history of ourselves I and my sisters went to Kangla, when it was still under the control of the Assam rifles. No civilians were allowed in at the time. We went in with the help of an uncle who was in Manipur rifles. In there we saw the Kanglasha still in ruins, the seven ponds of the seven salai and also the place where the puya was burnt. After that we came across an old man with long beard dressed in white with his long hair tied in a knot. Sitting under a huge mango tree he was eating green mango with mint and green chili. He looked like a Maichou we read about in old meitei books, a spiritual man of vast knowledge. We went up to him and asked “pupu kangla gi matang da wari khara libi o” .My elder sister was our leader , she had lots of energy and enthusiasm in searching the history of Manipur.

Occasionally taking a bite of his mango he told us a story of how Kangla got its name and why it is the most sacred place in Manipur.

When our forefathers first came to this land, there was no Imphal valley, only a big lake. They all settled in the hills. But during this time in the whole of Imphal valley one place was dry. This dry land was kangla. The name kang meaning dry and la meaning land. Because of this reason it was regarded as the most sacred place. Whoever controlled kangla was considered to be the most powerful group in Manipur. Later on the water gradually receded and more dry land emerged and they started settling in these newly emerged dry land. The different pats, Keisam pat, Lamphel pat, Khongham pat, etc were the reminiscent of the earlier Tethys Sea.

With this new knowledge we went home satisfied and got a good scolding from our parents for wondering off on our own.

As for our forefathers more and more of them started settling in the Imphal valley and 7 different groups were formed, the seven salai namely: Mangang, Luwang, Khuman, Sarang-Leisangthem, Moirang, Kha-Nganba and Angom. Around 14000 BC, a powerful leader by the name of Pakhangba conquered all the seven salais. And name the new united groups as “Meitei”.

In simpler words Meitei was formed by the unification of Tibeto Chinese and Thai tribe of Manipur 16000 years ago. The Tibeto Chinese tribes are the tribes we now know as the Nagas and the Thai tribes are the tribes we now know as Kuki.

The very word Meitei is synonymous with unity. The identity of various tribes vanish as we try to find a single race behind it. Meitei is not a one race, diversity is the very fabric on which Meitei originates.

The story of Meitei does not end there. I have heard stories that Kabui were supposed to be the 8^th salai of Meitei and that coming of Hinduism created problems in that happening. I would argue that as of now meitei consist of 9 salai and not just 7. The two others being Bamon and Pangan. It is said that the clan Nongmeikapam were originally Muslims who were proficient in using firearms and later on got assimilated into one of the Meitei salai.

In my search I also found that Yumnam the sagei to which I belong although categorized as Mangang were not in the original Mangang salai. We were assimilated into Meitei fold later on. Earlier we were considered as Hao/non meitei. My looks support the story…. Ha ha. Meiteis originated from the fore fathers of Nagas and Kukis.

We are at a very critical juncture in the fate of Manipur. Are we going to destroy each other? Naga vs Meitei,Meitei vs Kuki, Kuki vs Naga. Or unite as one and take Manipur into the future as a symbol of what unity can achieve. Our forefathers did it 16000 years ago and resulted in Meitei. We don’t need another Pakhangba to unite us, we just need to let love guide us and crush all feelings of hatred plaguing us. Bigger problems lurk just around the corner which threatens the whole of humanity, climate change, end of oil, war, religious conflict and what not. Let’s face them together as one and secure a bright future for our next generation.

If a hand full of tribes from naga and kuki unite to form the rich and diverse culture we see in Meitei, imagine what will happen if the whole of Naga, Kuki and Meitei unite to form a ‘new race’ of people.

There would be nothing we can’t achieve.

This is the time to unite as ONE.

Read more / Original news source: http://kanglaonline.com/2015/08/who-is-a-meitei/

ILP rally sparks clashes at Moreh as police remain mute; indefinite curfew clamped

IMPHAL, August 18: Tension erupted in the border town of Moreh cohabited by different communities today as a a mob protested against an Inner Line Permit rally in the town.

Police personnel turn a blind eye as protestors throw stones at a rally in Moreh

IMPHAL, August 18: Tension erupted in the border town of Moreh cohabited by different communities today as a a mob protested against an Inner Line Permit rally in the town.

A mob went on a rampage for more than three hours damaging more than 45 houses and business establishments including hotels and more than 20 vehicles belonging to a certain community, informed a source.

The violence has since been brought under control with the arrival of SP Chandel, an official report said.

Meanwhile, the DC Chandel has imposed an indefinite curfew in Moreh.

Leaders of civil organisations of Moreh have agreed on holding a public meeting to solve the issue. According to a latest report received, things are under control now as both the sides have come to an understanding, according to a NNN report.

More than six persons were also injured in the mob violence, informed local sources.

Several houses including the offices of the Meetei Council Moreh and the All Community Development Organisation Moreh were also set ablaze by the mob even as the police remained as mute spectators, the sources informed.

Sources informed that around 9am today, the All Manipur Students`™ Union, Chandel district, Kha Nongpok Apunba Nupi Lup, Moreh and Nupi Khunai Chaokhat Lamjing Lup, Moreh organised a rally supporting the demand for ILPS in the State.

According to sources, a mob came out and disrupted the rally.

This resulted in stone pelting between the ILP supporters and the other group.

However, the mob ran berserk and started singling out houses and business establishments belonging to a certain community in the heart of the Moreh bazaar. Properties worth more than one crore rupees were damaged in the violence, informed a source.

Meanwhile, locals have also claimed that no security forces including both the State police and the Central forces came to control the mob in time.

A joint statement of the Meetei Council Moreh and the the All Community Development Organisation Moreh has strongly condemned the violence during which their offices were set ablaze.

The statement said the two organisations strongly condemned the action wherein the offices of the two which has been working to bring peace and development in the town were set ablaze.

It continued, the two organisations also strongly condemned that the mob had singled out houses and business establishment of a single community.

The mob after robbing the houses of their belongings including valuable ornaments carried them away in Tata DIs, hand carts and other vehicles, it claimed. The houses were then set ablaze or damaged, the statement continued.

The two organisations have also condemned that the mob which included properly armed individuals also attacked the women participating in the rally. They even fired towards the womenfolk, it said.

It is also unfortunate and condemnable that no security forces arrived to control the mob which went on a rampage for more than three hours, it said.