Tag: Articles

Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model

The Manipur crisis as a simultaneous breakdown of vertical trust between citizens and the state, and horizontal trust among communities. Using conflict theory, it argues that structural inequalities, identity fears, security dilemmas, and cultural violence have transformed the crisis into a self-sustaining cycle of mutual insecurity. Lasting peace requires rebuilding institutional legitimacy and intergroup trust, […]

The post Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The Manipur crisis as a simultaneous breakdown of vertical trust between citizens and the state, and horizontal trust among communities. Using conflict theory, it argues that structural inequalities, identity fears, security dilemmas, and cultural violence have transformed the crisis into a self-sustaining cycle of mutual insecurity. Lasting peace requires rebuilding institutional legitimacy and intergroup trust, not merely restoring law and order.

By Sheikh Abdul Hakim

The Manipur crisis can be theorised as a breakdown of social cohesion at two levels: the vertical level, between citizens and the state, and the horizontal level, among communities. Social-cohesion theory defines the horizontal dimension as trust among people and groups, while the vertical dimension concerns trust between citizens and institutions such as the government. In Manipur, both have weakened at the same time, making the crisis far deeper than a normal law-and-order problem.

Core thesis

From the perspective of conflict theory, Manipur is not merely a clash of communities. It is a conflict over security, land, recognition, political power, identity, dignity, and trust. The immediate violence began in May 2023 around ethnic tensions linked to Scheduled Tribe status, affirmative-action benefits, land and political anxieties; by 2026, Reuters reported around 260 deaths and more than 60,000 displaced, while ACLED described the two major communities as living in near-complete segregation after two years of violence.

The central problem is this: each community now sees its own survival as insecure, and many citizens no longer believe that institutions can protect them with neutrality, speed, and fairness. Once that happens, every incident is interpreted not as an individual crime, but as evidence of collective danger.

1. Structural conflict: unequal power, land, representation and resources

Classical conflict theory begins from the idea that society is not always harmonious; it is often shaped by struggles over scarce resources and institutional power. In Manipur, the relevant resources are not only money or jobs. They include land, constitutional protection, political representation, administrative control, access to security, development, mobility, and cultural recognition.

Frances Stewart’s theory of horizontal inequalities is especially useful. It argues that conflict becomes more likely when economic, political, social and cultural inequalities are experienced not merely by individuals, but by identity groups. Stewart’s framework defines horizontal inequalities as inequalities among groups sharing a common identity, and notes that when cultural differences overlap with economic and political differences, resentment can deepen into violent struggle.

Applied to Manipur, the hill-valley divide becomes more than geography. The valley is associated with demographic concentration, political centrality and administrative visibility; the hills are associated with land protection, tribal autonomy, distance from state services and fear of domination. The Meitei demand for Scheduled Tribe status, and the opposition to it from Kuki-Zo and other tribal groups, therefore, became a symbolic struggle over who will control the future rules of land, reservation, recognition and security. That is why the conflict cannot be reduced to one incident alone.

2. Identity conflict: when grievance becomes community consciousness

Social Identity Theory, developed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner, helps explain how people begin to see events through the lens of “us” and “them.” Their work showed that even minimal group distinctions can generate in-group preference and out-group suspicion; in a violent setting, this tendency becomes far more dangerous.

In Manipur, the crisis has turned identity into a security boundary. A killing, arrest, rumour, checkpoint, relief measure or government statement is no longer judged only on facts. It is often judged through the question: “Is this against my community or in favour of the other?” This is the psychological moment where horizontal mistrust becomes self-reinforcing.

The tragedy is that people who once shared markets, schools, roads, workplaces and friendships can begin to see one another as representatives of collective threat. At that stage, individual guilt disappears behind collective suspicion. Conflict theory calls this the hardening of group boundaries.

3. Security dilemma: every group’s self-defence frightens the other

The ethnic security dilemma is one of the most powerful explanations for Manipur today. Lake and Rothchild argue that intense ethnic conflict is not caused simply by “ancient hatred”; it is often produced by collective fear of the future, especially when groups doubt whether the state can credibly protect them. When the state’s authority weakens or is seen as biased, communities begin preparing for their own defence; those preparations then look threatening to the other side, causing a spiral.

This is visible in Manipur’s armed village-defence atmosphere, buffer zones, checkpoints, displacement camps, segregated settlements, and fear of crossing into the “other” area. Reuters reported that weapons were in circulation, including arms stolen from police or smuggled from Myanmar, while many Kukis and Meiteis moved out of mixed areas.

The security dilemma works like this:

One side says: “We are arming or blocking roads only to protect ourselves.”

The other side hears: “They are preparing to attack us.”

The state intervenes: one group sees protection, another sees bias.

Result: fear grows even when both sides claim they want safety.

Thus, Manipur’s crisis has moved from grievance to fear, and from fear to separation.

4. Vertical mistrust: the crisis of state legitimacy

Conflict theory also asks: who controls institutions, and do people see those institutions as neutral? In Manipur, vertical mistrust has become central. Many citizens no longer evaluate the state only by laws written on paper; they evaluate it by lived experience: Who came when we were attacked? Whose FIR was registered? Whose dead were honoured? Whose displaced families were heard? Whose roads were opened? Whose suffering was ignored?

The Supreme Court’s intervention itself shows the gravity of the institutional-trust problem. In its [Manipur violence order], the Court stressed the need to restore faith and confidence in the justice system, ensure that perpetrators are punished according to law, and sustain public confidence in investigation and prosecution. It also constituted a three-judge committee led by Justice Gita Mittal for relief, rehabilitation and survivor support, and appointed an outside police officer to supervise investigations.

This matters theoretically because when citizens lose confidence in institutions, they seek security from community organisations, armed volunteers, pressure groups, ethnic councils, rumour networks and local defence structures. The state then loses its monopoly over trust, even if it still has formal authority.

In simple terms: a government may control territory, but it cannot produce peace unless people believe it is fair.

5. Cultural violence: when language makes violence acceptable

Johan Galtung’s theory divides violence into direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence. Direct violence is visible: killings, arson, sexual violence, displacement, attacks. Structural violence is built into unequal systems. Cultural violence is the language, symbols, stereotypes and narratives that make direct or structural violence appear acceptable.

In Manipur, cultural violence appears when entire communities are reduced to labels: “illegal,” “terrorist,” “drug-linked,” “land-grabber,” “anti-national,” “aggressor,” or “enemy.” Once such language spreads, the crime of an individual is transferred onto a whole community. This is how collective blame is manufactured.

The theoretical danger is that cultural violence does not always look like violence. It may look like a slogan, a speech, a rumour, a meme, a funeral speech, a protest placard, or a social-media post. But it prepares the mind to accept cruelty.

6. Conflict entrepreneurs: those who benefit from division

Conflict theory also pays attention to actors who gain from instability. These may include extremist groups, armed networks, political hardliners, black-market actors, rumour-spreaders, and leaders who gain influence by presenting themselves as sole protectors of a community.

Lake and Rothchild note that [ethnic activists and political entrepreneurs] can build upon insecurity and polarise society. In Manipur, this means the conflict is not sustained only by spontaneous anger. It is also sustained by networks that turn fear into mobilisation, mobilisation into power, and power into bargaining strength.

This is why peace is difficult: for ordinary people, peace means returning home; for conflict entrepreneurs, peace may mean losing relevance.

7. Displacement and segregation: mistrust becomes geography

Displacement changes conflict from an event into a living structure. Once people are separated into camps, protected zones and community-specific territories, mistrust becomes geographical. ACLED’s description of near-complete segregation is therefore not only a demographic fact; it is a conflict-theory warning. Separation reduces everyday contact, and reduced contact allows rumours to replace relationships.

Intergroup Contact Theory, associated with Gordon Allport and later work by Pettigrew, suggests that contact reduces prejudice best when there is equal status, common goals, cooperation and authority support. But unsafe, unequal or forced contact can deepen fear. Therefore, simply telling communities to “live together again” is not enough. They need conditions where coexistence is safe, dignified and institutionally protected.

The Manipur crisis in one theoretical formula

Structural insecurity + identity fear + weak institutional trust + armed separation + hostile narratives = prolonged ethnic conflict.

Or more simply:

Vertical mistrust makes people doubt the state. Horizontal mistrust makes people fear neighbours. Together, they create a society where every action is suspected, every rumour travels fast, and every tragedy can become another trigger.

What conflict theory teaches for Manipur

The first lesson is that policing alone cannot solve a conflict that has become structural and psychological. Security is necessary, but security without trust can be read as occupation, bias or threat.

The second lesson is that justice must be both real and visible. The Supreme Court’s emphasis on restoring public confidence in investigation and prosecution is crucial because, in a mistrust society, justice hidden from public confidence will not heal public wounds.

The third lesson is that peace must operate at three levels: stop direct violence, correct structural grievances, and defeat cultural hatred. Galtung’s framework makes clear that removing guns is only the beginning; societies must also remove the narratives and inequalities that make violence return.

Final theoretical framing

Manipur today is best understood as a crisis of mutual insecurity. The Meitei fear loss of identity, land security, demographic balance and historical centrality. The Kuki-Zo fear loss of land, autonomy, physical safety and equal protection. Other communities fear being dragged into a binary conflict that may erase their own concerns. The government faces a legitimacy deficit because different communities judge its actions through different wounds. Therefore, the problem is not only that communities disagree. The deeper problem is that they no longer trust the same facts, the same institutions, or the same future.

The crisis began with events. It now survives through structures. It will end only when Manipur rebuilds both: vertical trust in the state and horizontal trust among communities.

(Sheikh Abdul Hakim is Director, Social Welfare, Government of Manipur)

 

The post Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/manipur-crisis-through-conflict-theory-a-two-level-mistrust-model/

Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model

The Manipur crisis as a simultaneous breakdown of vertical trust between citizens and the state, and horizontal trust among communities. Using conflict theory, it argues that structural inequalities, identity fears, security dilemmas, and cultural violence have transformed the crisis into a self-sustaining cycle of mutual insecurity. Lasting peace requires rebuilding institutional legitimacy and intergroup trust, […]

The post Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The Manipur crisis as a simultaneous breakdown of vertical trust between citizens and the state, and horizontal trust among communities. Using conflict theory, it argues that structural inequalities, identity fears, security dilemmas, and cultural violence have transformed the crisis into a self-sustaining cycle of mutual insecurity. Lasting peace requires rebuilding institutional legitimacy and intergroup trust, not merely restoring law and order.

By Sheikh Abdul Hakim

The Manipur crisis can be theorised as a breakdown of social cohesion at two levels: the vertical level, between citizens and the state, and the horizontal level, among communities. Social-cohesion theory defines the horizontal dimension as trust among people and groups, while the vertical dimension concerns trust between citizens and institutions such as the government. In Manipur, both have weakened at the same time, making the crisis far deeper than a normal law-and-order problem.

Core thesis

From the perspective of conflict theory, Manipur is not merely a clash of communities. It is a conflict over security, land, recognition, political power, identity, dignity, and trust. The immediate violence began in May 2023 around ethnic tensions linked to Scheduled Tribe status, affirmative-action benefits, land and political anxieties; by 2026, Reuters reported around 260 deaths and more than 60,000 displaced, while ACLED described the two major communities as living in near-complete segregation after two years of violence.

The central problem is this: each community now sees its own survival as insecure, and many citizens no longer believe that institutions can protect them with neutrality, speed, and fairness. Once that happens, every incident is interpreted not as an individual crime, but as evidence of collective danger.

1. Structural conflict: unequal power, land, representation and resources

Classical conflict theory begins from the idea that society is not always harmonious; it is often shaped by struggles over scarce resources and institutional power. In Manipur, the relevant resources are not only money or jobs. They include land, constitutional protection, political representation, administrative control, access to security, development, mobility, and cultural recognition.

Frances Stewart’s theory of horizontal inequalities is especially useful. It argues that conflict becomes more likely when economic, political, social and cultural inequalities are experienced not merely by individuals, but by identity groups. Stewart’s framework defines horizontal inequalities as inequalities among groups sharing a common identity, and notes that when cultural differences overlap with economic and political differences, resentment can deepen into violent struggle.

Applied to Manipur, the hill-valley divide becomes more than geography. The valley is associated with demographic concentration, political centrality and administrative visibility; the hills are associated with land protection, tribal autonomy, distance from state services and fear of domination. The Meitei demand for Scheduled Tribe status, and the opposition to it from Kuki-Zo and other tribal groups, therefore, became a symbolic struggle over who will control the future rules of land, reservation, recognition and security. That is why the conflict cannot be reduced to one incident alone.

2. Identity conflict: when grievance becomes community consciousness

Social Identity Theory, developed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner, helps explain how people begin to see events through the lens of “us” and “them.” Their work showed that even minimal group distinctions can generate in-group preference and out-group suspicion; in a violent setting, this tendency becomes far more dangerous.

In Manipur, the crisis has turned identity into a security boundary. A killing, arrest, rumour, checkpoint, relief measure or government statement is no longer judged only on facts. It is often judged through the question: “Is this against my community or in favour of the other?” This is the psychological moment where horizontal mistrust becomes self-reinforcing.

The tragedy is that people who once shared markets, schools, roads, workplaces and friendships can begin to see one another as representatives of collective threat. At that stage, individual guilt disappears behind collective suspicion. Conflict theory calls this the hardening of group boundaries.

3. Security dilemma: every group’s self-defence frightens the other

The ethnic security dilemma is one of the most powerful explanations for Manipur today. Lake and Rothchild argue that intense ethnic conflict is not caused simply by “ancient hatred”; it is often produced by collective fear of the future, especially when groups doubt whether the state can credibly protect them. When the state’s authority weakens or is seen as biased, communities begin preparing for their own defence; those preparations then look threatening to the other side, causing a spiral.

This is visible in Manipur’s armed village-defence atmosphere, buffer zones, checkpoints, displacement camps, segregated settlements, and fear of crossing into the “other” area. Reuters reported that weapons were in circulation, including arms stolen from police or smuggled from Myanmar, while many Kukis and Meiteis moved out of mixed areas.

The security dilemma works like this:

One side says: “We are arming or blocking roads only to protect ourselves.”

The other side hears: “They are preparing to attack us.”

The state intervenes: one group sees protection, another sees bias.

Result: fear grows even when both sides claim they want safety.

Thus, Manipur’s crisis has moved from grievance to fear, and from fear to separation.

4. Vertical mistrust: the crisis of state legitimacy

Conflict theory also asks: who controls institutions, and do people see those institutions as neutral? In Manipur, vertical mistrust has become central. Many citizens no longer evaluate the state only by laws written on paper; they evaluate it by lived experience: Who came when we were attacked? Whose FIR was registered? Whose dead were honoured? Whose displaced families were heard? Whose roads were opened? Whose suffering was ignored?

The Supreme Court’s intervention itself shows the gravity of the institutional-trust problem. In its [Manipur violence order], the Court stressed the need to restore faith and confidence in the justice system, ensure that perpetrators are punished according to law, and sustain public confidence in investigation and prosecution. It also constituted a three-judge committee led by Justice Gita Mittal for relief, rehabilitation and survivor support, and appointed an outside police officer to supervise investigations.

This matters theoretically because when citizens lose confidence in institutions, they seek security from community organisations, armed volunteers, pressure groups, ethnic councils, rumour networks and local defence structures. The state then loses its monopoly over trust, even if it still has formal authority.

In simple terms: a government may control territory, but it cannot produce peace unless people believe it is fair.

5. Cultural violence: when language makes violence acceptable

Johan Galtung’s theory divides violence into direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence. Direct violence is visible: killings, arson, sexual violence, displacement, attacks. Structural violence is built into unequal systems. Cultural violence is the language, symbols, stereotypes and narratives that make direct or structural violence appear acceptable.

In Manipur, cultural violence appears when entire communities are reduced to labels: “illegal,” “terrorist,” “drug-linked,” “land-grabber,” “anti-national,” “aggressor,” or “enemy.” Once such language spreads, the crime of an individual is transferred onto a whole community. This is how collective blame is manufactured.

The theoretical danger is that cultural violence does not always look like violence. It may look like a slogan, a speech, a rumour, a meme, a funeral speech, a protest placard, or a social-media post. But it prepares the mind to accept cruelty.

6. Conflict entrepreneurs: those who benefit from division

Conflict theory also pays attention to actors who gain from instability. These may include extremist groups, armed networks, political hardliners, black-market actors, rumour-spreaders, and leaders who gain influence by presenting themselves as sole protectors of a community.

Lake and Rothchild note that [ethnic activists and political entrepreneurs] can build upon insecurity and polarise society. In Manipur, this means the conflict is not sustained only by spontaneous anger. It is also sustained by networks that turn fear into mobilisation, mobilisation into power, and power into bargaining strength.

This is why peace is difficult: for ordinary people, peace means returning home; for conflict entrepreneurs, peace may mean losing relevance.

7. Displacement and segregation: mistrust becomes geography

Displacement changes conflict from an event into a living structure. Once people are separated into camps, protected zones and community-specific territories, mistrust becomes geographical. ACLED’s description of near-complete segregation is therefore not only a demographic fact; it is a conflict-theory warning. Separation reduces everyday contact, and reduced contact allows rumours to replace relationships.

Intergroup Contact Theory, associated with Gordon Allport and later work by Pettigrew, suggests that contact reduces prejudice best when there is equal status, common goals, cooperation and authority support. But unsafe, unequal or forced contact can deepen fear. Therefore, simply telling communities to “live together again” is not enough. They need conditions where coexistence is safe, dignified and institutionally protected.

The Manipur crisis in one theoretical formula

Structural insecurity + identity fear + weak institutional trust + armed separation + hostile narratives = prolonged ethnic conflict.

Or more simply:

Vertical mistrust makes people doubt the state. Horizontal mistrust makes people fear neighbours. Together, they create a society where every action is suspected, every rumour travels fast, and every tragedy can become another trigger.

What conflict theory teaches for Manipur

The first lesson is that policing alone cannot solve a conflict that has become structural and psychological. Security is necessary, but security without trust can be read as occupation, bias or threat.

The second lesson is that justice must be both real and visible. The Supreme Court’s emphasis on restoring public confidence in investigation and prosecution is crucial because, in a mistrust society, justice hidden from public confidence will not heal public wounds.

The third lesson is that peace must operate at three levels: stop direct violence, correct structural grievances, and defeat cultural hatred. Galtung’s framework makes clear that removing guns is only the beginning; societies must also remove the narratives and inequalities that make violence return.

Final theoretical framing

Manipur today is best understood as a crisis of mutual insecurity. The Meitei fear loss of identity, land security, demographic balance and historical centrality. The Kuki-Zo fear loss of land, autonomy, physical safety and equal protection. Other communities fear being dragged into a binary conflict that may erase their own concerns. The government faces a legitimacy deficit because different communities judge its actions through different wounds. Therefore, the problem is not only that communities disagree. The deeper problem is that they no longer trust the same facts, the same institutions, or the same future.

The crisis began with events. It now survives through structures. It will end only when Manipur rebuilds both: vertical trust in the state and horizontal trust among communities.

(Sheikh Abdul Hakim is Director, Social Welfare, Government of Manipur)

 

The post Manipur Crisis Through Conflict Theory: A Two-Level Mistrust Model first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/manipur-crisis-through-conflict-theory-a-two-level-mistrust-model/

American Export of Death: How US Regulatory Failure Created India’s ‘Zombie’ Crisis

The spread of “Zombie Drugs” is a mirror reflecting the global harm of the American opioid crisis. The US cannot manufacture drug domestically while waving the tariff stick internationally, painting India as a “drug exporter.” Therefore, the US must confront its own regulatory loopholes, strengthen customs inspections, and cut off illegal outflows of Fentanyl and […]

The post American Export of Death: How US Regulatory Failure Created India’s ‘Zombie’ Crisis first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The spread of “Zombie Drugs” is a mirror reflecting the global harm of the American opioid crisis. The US cannot manufacture drug domestically while waving the tariff stick internationally, painting India as a “drug exporter.” Therefore, the US must confront its own regulatory loopholes, strengthen customs inspections, and cut off illegal outflows of Fentanyl and its precursors.
By Vikram Mehta 

 

As a chilling video goes viral across social media—showing a man standing motionless like a ‘zombie’ amidst heavy traffic, unresponsive to the world around him—panic is gripping Indian society regarding the surge of new synthetic drugs. However, Bengaluru City Police clarified that the man in the video was not under the influence of narcotics. They stated that the individual had consumed liquor and was taking prescribed medication for arthritis, a combination that explained his erratic behavior.
However, while the public eye turns inward to scrutinize domestic regulatory gaps, a suppressed truth is emerging: the “Zombie Drug” crisis currently devouring India’s youth has its roots deeply embedded in the regulatory failures of the United States.
What Is The Larger Warning Here?
According to recent investigations and medical analysis, the culprit behind the victims’ “walking dead” state is a lethal cocktail of Fentanyl and Xylazine. Known globally as “Zombie Drug,” this mixture is not an indigenous Indian product but a toxic recipe pioneered in the US that is now being replicated in India’s black markets.
In the US, Xylazine—a veterinary sedative—has long been mixed by traffickers with Fentanyl to enhance potency and prolong effects, leading to coma, skin necrosis, and death for countless Americans. Today, this “chemical nightmare,” which has ravaged American streets, is flowing back into India through illegal channels, becoming a new tumor destroying the future of Indian youth.
“This is not just an Indian problem; it is a global consequence of American regulatory failure,” G. Shreekumar Menon, former Director General of the National Academy of Customs, Excise and Narcotics (NACEN), pointed out sharply in a recent commentary. “With the US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) inspecting only 3.7% of incoming containers annually, this extremely lax system allows Fentanyl and its precursor chemicals to flood the globe. Now, The US is attempting to export its domestic failure by scapegoating India, ignoring that the very chemicals fueling this crisis were first unleashed by American policy.
Collateral Damage?How India Became America’s Pharmaceutical Scapegoat
Ironically, it was the aggressive marketing by American pharmaceutical giants in the 1990s and early 2000s that triggered the opioid addiction explosion within the US. Companies like Purdue Pharma downplayed addiction risks, pushing potent painkillers to the masses, ultimately a tragedy claiming hundreds of thousands of American lives. Now, facing massive lawsuits and strict regulations at home, these same firms are turning their gaze toward India’s relatively lenient market.
• Market Penetration: US giants like Johnson & Johnson and Mundipharma (controlled by the Sackler family) are aggressively promoting Fentanyl patches and Buprenorphine in India under the guise of “pain relief,” effectively replicating the American addiction model here.
• Regulatory Vacuum: Although India has regulated certain opioids, the regulatory system is stretched thin against the lobbying of US pharma giants and the massive demand for pain management. A vast amount of unregulated Fentanyl precursors is flowing into the black market through legitimate trade channels, where they are processed into lethal “Zombie Drugs.”
The Trump Administration’s Strategy?Weaponization of Trade
The “Zombie Drug” phenomenon sweeping Punjab is not merely a domestic failure; it is the dark echo of an American tragedy. The lethal cocktail of Fentanyl and Xylazine—a veterinary sedative turned human poison—was perfected on American streets before finding its way into Indian veins. While Washington points fingers at New Delhi, the reality is stark: the US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) inspects less than 4% of incoming containers, creating a porous gateway that allows precursor chemicals to flood the global market.
Now, as President Trump’s administration imposes punitive 100% tariffs on Indian pharmaceuticals under the guise of “national security,” the hypocrisy is glaring. The US is weaponizing the very crisis it helped create to strangle India’s $130 billion pharma industry. As former NACEN DG G. Shreekumar Menon warned, “Fighting Fentanyl with tariffs is fighting the wrong war.” The true battle is not against Indian exporters, but against the regulatory vacuum and corporate greed that turned America’s opioid epidemic into a global export.
India Draws the Line: Gen Z Will Not Be Held Hostage to America’s Drug Catastrophe
• Anti-Drug Politicians Speak Out: The “War on Drugs” led by Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal is penetrating the streets. They argue that anti-drug efforts cannot rely solely on domestic enforcement; the source of drugs from the US must be cut off.
• Expert Calls: Think tanks like the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) point out that the US “weaponizing” Fentanyl and unilaterally imposing tariffs does nothing to solve the crisis. Instead, it exacerbates global supply chain chaos, making Indian youth the collateral damage of geopolitical games.
Face the Root Cause, Reject the Scapegoat
The spread of “Zombie Drugs” is a mirror reflecting the global harm of the American opioid crisis. The US cannot manufacture drug domestically while waving the tariff stick internationally, painting India as a “drug exporter.”
India Calls for:
1. The US must confront its own regulatory loopholes, strengthen customs inspections, and cut off illegal outflows of Fentanyl and its precursors.
2. Stop the politicization and weaponization of the Fentanyl issue. Cancel discriminatory tariffs on Indian pharmaceuticals and jointly combat transnational drug trafficking networks.
3. Strengthen international cooperation to establish a transparent tracking mechanism for precursor chemicals, rather than engaging in unilateral accusations.
It is time for India to demand accountability from Washington, not just from its own streets. Indian youth should not become the sacrificial lambs for American pharmaceutical greed and regulatory failure. Only by facing the true root of the crisis can we save the lives of those struggling in a “zombie” state.

The post American Export of Death: How US Regulatory Failure Created India’s ‘Zombie’ Crisis first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/american-export-of-death-how-us-regulatory-failure-created-indias-zombie-crisis/

Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part III – Impact & Implementation Challenges

Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part III – Impact & Implementation Challenges By Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd The enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 marks a seismic shift in India’s legislative approach to privacy and simultaneously introduces a complex web of operational demands for businesses. From […]

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part III – Impact & Implementation Challenges first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part III – Impact & Implementation Challenges

By Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd

The enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 marks a seismic shift in India’s legislative approach to privacy and simultaneously introduces a complex web of operational demands for businesses. From re-engineering legacy data systems to navigating the nuances of “Data Fiduciaries” and “Significant Data Fiduciaries,” the road to compliance is paved with both technical hurdles and strategic questions. In this part of our series, we dive into the tangible impact of the DPDPA and the primary challenges organizations face in turning these legal mandates into functional realities.

DPDPA: Enforcement Timeline

The DPDPA applies exclusively to digital personal data, data collected digitally or subsequently digitised, processed in India, or outside India in connection with offering goods or services to individuals in India.

Impact & Challenges

• Impact on Individuals (Data Principals)
DPDPA strengthens individual control over personal data, translating the constitutional right to privacy into enforceable statutory rights. Data principals rights include: –
• Right to Access – obtain a summary of personal data held and processing activities though notably without a data portability right.
• Right to Correction and Erasure – request rectification of inaccurate data or deletion of data no longer required.
• Right to Withdraw Consent – revoke consent at any time, data fiduciaries must respond within 90 days.
• Right to Nominate – appoint a nominee to exercise rights in case of incapacitation or death.
• Right to Grievance Redressal – exhaustion of internal mechanism required for complaint be lodged with the DPBI.
• Children under 18: heightened protection – verifiable parental/guardian consent is mandatory before processing a minor’s data, with specific exemptions carved out for healthcare professionals, educational institutions and child transport providers. Penalty up to Rs 200 crores.

Implementation Challenges for Individuals
• Literacy and Awareness Gap – India’s low digital literacy users may not be able to practically exercise rights, file complaints or interpret consent notices. The notice requirement specifies English and all 22 Scheduled languages, creating a multilingual compliance obligation, which remains a challenge.
• Dark Patterns and Consent Quality – While the DPDPA prohibits conditional consent and pre-ticked boxes, enforcement against confusing consent flows or hidden opt-outs, will depend heavily on DPBI capacity and proactive complaint filing.
• Grievance Exhaustion Requirement – Data principals must exhaust the data fiduciary’s internal grievance mechanism before approaching the DPBI. The 90-day response window, while clear, could be exploited as a delay mechanism by less scrupulous operators.
• RTI Act Amendment: Right to Know vs Right to Privacy – One of the most consequential changes brought by the DPDPA is the amendment to Section 8(1)(j) of the Right to Information Act, 2005. The original provision allowed disclosure of personal data held by public authorities in the ‘larger public interest’. The DPDPA removes this override, significantly curtailing the ability of citizens and journalists to access personal data held by government bodies.

Impact on MSMEs and Small Businesses
• Scope of Compliance Obligations – MSMEs that process digital personal data with customer-facing digital touchpoints, employee HR systems or supplier databases, are subject to the DPDPA. The aspects include, consent, notice requirements, purpose limitation, data minimisation, reasonable security safeguards, breach notification (72-hour deadline), data principal rights handling and contractual obligations with data processors. The Act offers no blanket small-business exemption.
• Sector-Specific Heightened Risk – Most MSMEs will not be classified as Significant Data Fiduciaries, avoiding the DPO and DPIA obligations. However, volume-driven or sector-specific designation is possible for Fintech and lending platforms processing KYC and financial data, Healthtech and telemedicine platforms with patient records, Edtech platforms with children’s data, SaaS and E-commerce.
• Compliance Cost and Capacity Challenges
• Budget and Resource Constraints – Legal, technical and organisational costs may range from ?5–25 lakh for a simple MSME to ?50 lakh or more for data-heavy verticals, costs that can be existentially challenging for businesses in early stages.
• Legacy Systems and Data Mapping – Many MSMEs operate on basic ERP systems, Excel-based databases, or fragmented CRMs that lack built-in consent tracking, automated data deletion workflows, or audit logging capabilities. Mapping all personal data flows including through informal channels such as WhatsApp Business, ad-tech trackers, and offline data later digitised to meet documentation requirements is technically complex without dedicated resources.
• Awareness Gap – Awareness of DPDPA obligations among MSME operators remains low and without targeted government outreach programmes, many small businesses risk inadvertent non-compliance.
• 72-Hour Breach Notification – The 72-hour window to notify the DPBI and affected data principals of a personal data breach demands 24/7 incident monitoring infrastructure that most MSMEs lack.

Impact on Large Corporates and Conglomerates

For large enterprises, the DPDPA drives a fundamental shift toward institutionalised privacy governance and requires a privacy-by-design approach. Key enterprise-level requirements include enterprise privacy policies and data governance frameworks, role-based access controls and privileged access management, vendor and third-party data processing agreements with mandatory DPDPA compliance clauses, accountability through privacy registers, audit trails and board-level oversight and automated data lifecycle management.

Significant Data Fiduciary Obligations – Large enterprises across sectors are likely to be designated as SDFs which entails appointment of an India based DPO, annual Data Protection Impact Assessments, annual independent audits, algorithmic risk verification and potential data localisation mandates for government-specified data categories.
Implementation Challenges for Large Corporates and Conglomerates

• Legacy System Modernisation – India’s large corporate landscape runs on legacy architectures that lack support for consent tracking, automated erasure or granular access logging.
• Multi-Regulator Complexity (BFSI) – They will have dual-compliance challenge meeting RBI, SEBI, IRDAI and NPCI requirements and reconciling KYC data processing under DPDPA’s consent and purpose-limitation principles requirement.
• DPO Scarcity – The requirement of DPO creates a talent supply crisis with India has fewer than 5,000 practitioners with certifications.
• AI and Algorithmic Compliance – The requirement for algorithmic risk verification introduces compliance overhead at the model design, training and deployment stages and may require significant architectural changes.

Impact on International Business
• Extraterritorial Reach – The DPDPA applies to any entity Indian or foreign that processes personal data of individuals located in India in connection with offering goods or services to those individuals. Foreign entities without an India office but serving Indian users through e-commerce, SaaS, mobile apps or digital services must comply with the full DPDPA regime, including responding to DPBI enforcement.
• Cross-Border Data Transfers: The Negative List – DPDPA establish a ‘negative list’ approach to cross-border transfers, personal data may be transferred to any country except those specifically restricted by the Central Government notification. However, it introduces a distinctive set of challenges, as no published criteria of blacklisted countries, No advance notice requirements for Blacklisting, No standard contractual clauses and persistence of sector specific laws.
• Compliance Cost – Multinational companies face layered compliance costs of updating global privacy policies for Indian requirements, implementing multilingual consent notices, deploying India-specific consent management infrastructure, renegotiating data processing agreements with India-based processors and sub-processors, and maintaining the technical capability to respond to DPBI enforcement actions.

Impact on Government and Law Enforcement Agencies
Government as Data Fiduciary – Government entities are ‘data fiduciaries’ under the DPDPA when processing citizens’ digital personal data and subject to the same baseline obligations as private sector entities. However, Section 17 of the DPDPA provides exemptions for State processing for sovereignty, integrity, security, public order, and prevention/investigation of offences, research, archiving or statistical purposes, Legal and judicial proceedings and Processing of non-residents personal data within India.
Law Enforcement and Investigation Challenges – Law enforcement agencies face a contradiction, as data fiduciaries must comply with DPDPA and mandated for exemptions. This creates operational complexity as legacy systems holding this data still require security safeguards.

Judicial Implications
• Appellate Jurisdiction Telecom Disputes Settlement and Appellate Tribunal (TDSAT) – TDSAT is designated as the appellate body for DPBI decisions, is primarily a telecommunications regulator with limited data privacy jurisprudence.
• No Criminal Penalties – This reduces the risk of regulatory overreach against individuals but may limit deterrence effectiveness for misuse by corporate actors who can absorb financial penalties as a cost of business.
• Interpretation Challenges – Courts and the DPBI will face interpretive questions as What constitutes ‘reasonable security safeguards’, How Puttaswamy judgement applies to the government exemptions and interplay between DPDPA and sector-specific regulations where conflicts arise.

DPDPA 2023 is more than just a compliance checklist and is a catalyst for a fundamental cultural shift in how data is perceived. While the implementation challenges are significant, they are implementable. Organizations that view these hurdles as an opportunity to build ‘Privacy by Design’ will likely find themselves with a competitive edge in an increasingly data-conscious global market.

(Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd is a Certified Data Privacy Professional and Strategic & Geopolitical Advisor with over two decades of experience in intelligence, insider threat management, financial crime investigations, and geopolitical risk analysis, advising on complex security and strategic risks.)

For Part I – Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part I — The Foundations of Privacy: Evolution of Indian Laws & A Roadmap to DPDPA – The Frontier Manipur
For Part II – Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part II — From Principles to Practice: The DPDP Rules 2025, Global Paradigms & India’s Middle Path – The Frontier Manipur

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part III – Impact & Implementation Challenges first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/digital-personal-data-protection-act-dpdpa-2023-series-part-iii-impact-implementation-challenges/

India Commits to Stronger Climate Action with NDC 3.0

India reinforces global climate stance with calibrated targets aligned to Viksit Bharat 2047 vision. Cabinet clears updated climate commitments aiming 60% non-fossil power capacity and expanded carbon sinks by 2035. New framework balances development needs with decarbonisation amid West Asia conflict and energy security concerns By Salam Rajesh The Government of India recently took a […]

The post India Commits to Stronger Climate Action with NDC 3.0 first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

India reinforces global climate stance with calibrated targets aligned to Viksit Bharat 2047 vision. Cabinet clears updated climate commitments aiming 60% non-fossil power capacity and expanded carbon sinks by 2035. New framework balances development needs with decarbonisation amid West Asia conflict and energy security concerns

By Salam Rajesh

The Government of India recently took a significant step forward in its climate commitments with the Cabinet, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approving the country’s updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

Analysts say although delayed, the third institution of the NDCs comes at a time when the global supply chains and energy security have been severely disrupted owing to the conflict in West Asia.

India’s NDC 3.0 builds on a strong track record, where earlier the country had enhanced its Nationally Determined Contributions and met key targets well ahead of schedule, including achieving over 50% non-fossil power capacity nearly five years before the 2030 deadline.

A Press Information Bureau (PIB) release said the new NDC framework sets out a roadmap for the target years 2033-2035, anchored in the principles of the Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR-RC) and the vision of Viksit Bharat 2047.

The framework targets a 47% reduction in emission intensity, expansion of non-fossil power capacity to 60%, and a significant increase in carbon sinks up to 4 billion tons, the PIB report said.

India’s Central Electricity Authority estimates in the National Power Adequacy Plan that by 2035-36, nearly 70% of electricity capacity will come from non-fossil sources. However, its formal commitment as approved under NDC 3.0 under the UN framework sets a lower target of 60%.

Similarly, India’s target of reducing emission intensity to 47% by 2035 reflects a calibrated approach, the release said noting that as a fast-growing and emerging economy, India’s intensity-based target balances development needs with climate ambition.

In the current geopolitical context of supply chain disruptions and energy security concerns, this target provides flexibility while remaining aligned with its broader aspirational goals and long-term net-zero pathway.

The announcement comes amid an ongoing conflict in West Asia, which has disrupted energy supply chains and has highlighted risks of the global economy’s dependence on fossil fuels.

In this context, India’s demonstrated stance on decarbonizing its energy and transport systems signals continuity. The country, which had met its past climate commitments ahead of schedule, also holds the BRICS chair this year. The commitments announced raise expectations of a BRICS-led focus on de-risking supply chains through decarbonisation under India’s presidency, the PIB release noted.

The strategy underpinned by India has emphasized climate-resilient infrastructure, green industrial pathways, behavioral shifts and the development of low-cost green finance and advanced research and development ecosystems, reflecting an economy-wide approach to deep decarbonisation, it said.

This assessment comes in terms of the country’s achievement in 36% reduction in emission intensity of GDP achieved between 2005-2020, where 52.57% of India’s power generation capacity is from clean, non-fossil sources and was achieved 5 years ahead of the 2030 schedule.

2.3 billion tons of carbon sink was created through forests and trees, indicating India’s NDC submitted in 2015 had the target of achieving 33 to 35% reduction in the emissions intensity of GDP and 40% share of non-fossil resources based electric power installed capacity by 2030, both of which were met, 11 years and 9 years ahead of the committed timelines respectively, the PIB statement said.

Outlining the vision for NDC 3.0, the government press statement said the qualitative goals are intended to embed sustainability into everyday life and governance systems, promote climate-resilient development pathways, and enable a just and inclusive transition for all sections of the society.

Eight major goals for 2033-2035, aligned with CBDR-RC and Viksit Bharat 2047, were announced. These include Goal 1: Target reduction of emission intensity to 47% by 2035, Goal 2: Achieve 60% of cumulative installed electricity capacity non-fossil power capacity by 2035.

Goal 3 seeks increase in carbon sink from 2.3 billion tons to 3.5-4.0 billion tons through tree and plantation cover, while Goal 4 targets climate-friendly and cleaner path of economic development, citing the example of the ongoing investments in electrification of the Railways.

Goal 5 looks at the resilient infrastructure to combat climate change effects like sudden rain and cloud bursts, while Goal 6 seeks in promoting the Prime Minister’s ‘Lifestyle for Environment (LiFE)’ mission.

Goal 7 looks at developing low-cost, long-term finance mechanisms for green energy, and Goal 8 seeks capacity building and research and development, with focus on cutting edge technology and international collaborations.

Lauri Myllyvirta, Lead Analyst and Co-Founder, Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, reflects that India’s new 2035 climate targets underestimate the country’s potential for transformative clean energy growth.

Under current plans, the target of 60% clean power capacity will be achieved before 2030, rather than by 2035, Lauri reflected, noting that continuing the current clean energy growth at rates already achieved in 2024-25 would enable India to peak power sector emissions well before 2030 and significantly slow down its CO2 emission growth rates.

Yet, the carbon intensity target announced allows for an acceleration of emissions growth compared with past rates if GDP growth is at target. India’s booming clean energy industry is highly likely to deliver much faster progress than policymakers were prepared to commit to, she said.

Deliberating on the issue, Aarti Khosla, Director, Climate Trends noted that India’s updated NDC targets reflect a realistic yet forward-looking climate strategy, especially coming at a time when the global order is fractured and the future of energy policy is very uncertain.

Releasing the NDC at this juncture reinforces that as a country India respects multilateralism and equity, both aspects found wanting in the world today, she noted.

A 47% reduction in emission intensity by 2035, alongside achieving 60% non-fossil capacity, signals continuity in ambition while remaining grounded in domestic, developmental and geopolitical realities.

The fact that India has already crossed 50% non-fossil capacity underscores the credibility of this trajectory, and equally important is the expansion of carbon sinks, which reinforces the country’s commitment to nature-based solutions, Aarti emphasized.

In a global context where attention is increasingly shifting toward energy security and climate finance flows are under strain, India’s approach stands out for its balance. It prioritizes domestic capability, resilience, and long-term sustainability while continuing to advance its climate commitments, a positive sign for the entire global south and the BRICS, especially with India chairing the grouping annual meet this year, she observed.

The post India Commits to Stronger Climate Action with NDC 3.0 first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/india-commits-to-stronger-climate-action-with-ndc-3-0/

Adaptation Matters, ICJ On Climate Change

Landmark 2025 advisory opinion reframes climate adaptation as a due diligence obligation, urging states to act on science, equity, and global cooperation. Non-binding yet authoritative ruling signals legal consequences for inaction, placing climate resilience at the heart of international law. By Salam Rajesh In July of 2025, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered a […]

The post Adaptation Matters, ICJ On Climate Change first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Landmark 2025 advisory opinion reframes climate adaptation as a due diligence obligation, urging states to act on science, equity, and global cooperation. Non-binding yet authoritative ruling signals legal consequences for inaction, placing climate resilience at the heart of international law.

By Salam Rajesh

In July of 2025, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered a landmark Advisory Opinion on the Obligations of States in Respect of Climate Change.

The ICJ’s Advisory Opinion provides authoritative legal guidance on Member States’ obligations to address climate change and prevent significant harm to vulnerable countries and communities across the globe.

While the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion is non-binding, it makes clear that failure to act can trigger legal consequences. States require timely and accessible analysis to understand their legal obligations and the consequences of breaching them.

On understanding why the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion matters for climate change adaptation, the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) in its analysis suggests that climate change adaptation is one of the core pillars of the international climate regime.

With reference to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2022), climate change adaptation is the process of preparing, and adjusting to, for actual or expected impacts associated with climate change.

Fundamentally, adaptation is about protecting people in an uncertain future and making communities, economies, and ecosystems more resilient to a changing climate.

The ICJ’s Advisory Opinion develops from the perspective that climate change is now a force to be reckoned with and that adaptation can no longer be viewed as solely a domestic policy choice, but as a binding obligation under international law and assessed against a standard of due diligence.

This means that for all practical purposes, all countries must use their best efforts to engage in adaptation planning and implementation, based on the best available science, and to undertake precautionary and forward-looking measures, continuously adjusting their responses as climate risks evolve.

The ICJ noted with concern that countries continue to have discretion over how adaptation is planned and implemented, based on their risk contexts and national circumstances, and provided that such efforts aim to prevent and address foreseeable climate harm.

With due diligence to the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion, national adaptation plans, policies and strategies, therefore, take on a renewed significance as instruments through which individual countries may demonstrate their commitments to, and compliance with international laws.

This runs in conjunction to the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience (UNFCCC, 2023) whereupon countries need to formulate and submit their national adaptation plans, policies and strategies, and progress in implementing them by the target year 2030.

The IISD analysis stressed that all developed countries have a binding obligation to provide and mobilize adaptation finance, technology transfer and capacity building for developing countries, in the context of the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance and the Mutirão decision’s call to at least triple adaptation finance by the year 2035.

All countries, too, have the obligation to cooperate with each other on adaptation knowledge sharing, it stated.

The IISD analysis further emphasized that a country-driven, gender-responsive, participatory and fully transparent approach that integrates human rights considerations and pays particular attention to vulnerable people, places and ecosystems is integral to effective adaptation planning and implementation that yield equitable benefits for people of all backgrounds.

It cautioned that a fragmented approach undermines adaptation outcomes, whereupon obligations under international human rights law are interrelated with countries’ adaptation obligations, and they all form part of the legal context against which adaptation efforts are assessed.

Integrated and synergistic approaches to address the climate and biodiversity crises and land degradation strengthen adaptation, biodiversity and land degradation neutrality outcomes, it stated.

The ICJ observed that under the UNFCCC and the Paris Agreement, respective parties have procedural obligations to engage in adaptation planning processes and the implementation of adaptation actions (ICJ, 2025, paras. 255-257).

This would necessitate the formulation, submission and regular updating of national adaptation plans, policies or strategies, the ICJ noted, while stressing that the assessment of climate change impacts and vulnerability, and the monitoring, evaluation and learning from adaptation actions is highly essential.

The ICJ further stressed the need for integration of climate change considerations in relevant social, economic and environmental policies and actions, while employing appropriate methods to minimize adverse effects that adaptation projects or measures could have on the economy, public health, and the quality of the environment.

Importantly, it emphasized on the strengthening of international cooperation to enhance adaptation actions and support.

The ICJ Advisory Opinion noted that a standard of due diligence would be used to assess the parties’ fulfillment of their adaptation obligations (ICJ, 2025, para. 258). This means that, in terms of adaptation, acting with due diligence requires the parties to use their best efforts to enact appropriate adaptation measures, in a timely manner, to reduce the risk of significant harm occurring due to climate change impacts.

The ICJ called on parties to base their adaptation planning and implementation, such as the national adaptation plan (NAP) process, on the best available science and technological information, such as, availing the information, knowledge and tools from the IPCC and other international rules, standards, guidelines, and best practices.

It advised parties to take precautionary measures and enact forward-looking policies, such as integrating climate risk considerations in development policies and plans, or continuously updating building codes and infrastructure standards to reflect climate realities.

The ICJ called on parties to ensure continuous improvement by following the dimensions of the iterative adaptation cycle (defined by the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience as impact, vulnerability, and risk assessments; planning; implementation; monitoring, evaluation and learning; and iteration of these four steps) as the due diligence standard.

It urged parties to follow a country-driven, gender-responsive, participatory and fully transparent approach to adaptation planning and implementation in achieving the goals enshrined in the Paris Agreement and other climate protocols.

The analysis appears in the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD)’s briefing note: ‘Unpacking the implications of the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Climate Change’, published earlier this month.

 

The post Adaptation Matters, ICJ On Climate Change first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/adaptation-matters-icj-on-climate-change/

Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part II — From Principles to Practice: The DPDP Rules 2025, Global Paradigms & India’s Middle Path

The DPDP Rules serve as the procedural manual for the Act, detailing the mechanisms through which the law will function. They provide granularity on board composition, grievance workflows, classification criteria, and the technical and organisational measures required for compliance. By Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd The enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, […]

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part II — From Principles to Practice: The DPDP Rules 2025, Global Paradigms & India’s Middle Path first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The DPDP Rules serve as the procedural manual for the Act, detailing the mechanisms through which the law will function. They provide granularity on board composition, grievance workflows, classification criteria, and the technical and organisational measures required for compliance.

By Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd

The enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 (DPDPA) established the foundational architecture for India’s data privacy regime. However, the operationalisation of any legislation lies in its rules. The notification of the DPDP Rules, 2025, marks the transition from statutory intent to enforceable reality. This second installment in the series unpacks these rules, contextualises India’s framework within the global privacy landscape, and analyses the unique “Third Way” that India has carved out for itself.

The DPDP Rules 2025: Operationalising the Act

The DPDP Rules serve as the procedural manual for the Act, detailing the mechanisms through which the law will function. They provide granularity on board composition, grievance workflows, classification criteria, and the technical and organisational measures required for compliance. Crucially, they establish a phased enforcement timeline, allowing regulated entities a structured runway to achieve compliance.

The Regulatory Arbitrator: Data Protection Board of India (DPBI)

The Rules formally empower the Data Protection Board of India (DPBI) as a specialised, digital-first adjudicatory body. Unlike traditional regulators, the DPBI is designed to function as a tribunal, conducting inquiries into data breaches, presiding over formal hearings, and levying financial penalties. Its primary mandate is to ensure that Data Fiduciaries—entities that determine the purpose and means of data processing—remain accountable to the law.

Tiered Accountability: Significant Data Fiduciaries (SDFs)

Recognising that not all data processing carries equal risk, the framework introduces the concept of Significant Data Fiduciaries (SDFs). The Central Government will designate entities as SDFs based on criteria such as the volume and sensitivity of data processed, the potential risk to the rights of Data Principals (individuals to whom the data pertains), and implications for national security or public order.

Entities classified as SDFs must adhere to enhanced obligations:

– Mandatory appointment of a Data Protection Officer (DPO) based in India.

– Engagement of independent auditors to validate compliance.

– Conduct of Data Protection Impact Assessments (DPIAs) to proactively evaluate privacy risks associated with new technologies or processes.

The Consent Ecosystem: A Novel Introduction

In a significant innovation over global models, the DPDPA introduces the role of Consent Managers. These entities act as a bridge between the individual and the Data Fiduciary, providing a seamless, interoperable interface. Through a Consent Manager, individuals can grant, manage, review, and withdraw their consents in a centralised, real-time manner, transforming consent from a one-time checkbox into an ongoing, auditable process.

Cross-Border Data Transfers: The Negative List Strategy

One of the most pragmatic features of the framework is its approach to cross-border data flows. Departing from earlier drafts that mandated strict data localisation, the DPDPA operates on a Negative List principle. Under this model, cross-border data transfers are generally permitted to all countries and sectors except those specifically notified by the government as restricted. This approach ensures the smooth functioning of international trade and cloud-based services while retaining the state’s sovereign power to block data flows to hostile or high-risk jurisdictions.

Transparency, Grievance Redressal, and Compensation

The efficacy of the law rests on the clarity of its notice and grievance workflows. The Act specifies the modalities through which a Data Fiduciary must communicate with users—whether through electronic notifications, app-based prompts, or assisted means for those with limited digital literacy. Furthermore, it establishes strict timelines and tracking obligations for responding to user requests, ensuring that the Right to Correction and Right to Erasure are actionable through standard, time-bound processes.

Enforcement and Implementation Timeline

The rules establish a staggered implementation schedule to facilitate a smooth transition:

– Immediate Effect (from date of Gazette notification, 13 November 2025): Certain “enabling” sections of the Act, along with Rules 1, 2, and 17-21 (covering preliminary aspects, DPBI constitution, and procedural matters), are effective immediately.

– One Year (by late 2026): Rule 4, which pertains to registration and specific compliance obligations, comes into force one year after publication.

– Eighteen Months (by mid-2027): The bulk of operational duties—including rights handling, security controls, classification of SDFs, and penalty procedures (Rules 3, 5-16, 22, and 23)—become effective eighteen months after publication. This implies full compliance obligations will be in force by 2027, although sectoral regulators may compress timelines for critical industries.

The Global Privacy Landscape: A Comparative Overview

India’s privacy framework does not exist in a vacuum. It is shaped by, and must interoperate with, the leading data protection regimes from around the world. The most influential of these remains the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which has set a benchmark for modern privacy laws globally.

– European Union: General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)

The GDPR applies to any entity offering goods or services to EU residents, regardless of its location. It introduced seminal concepts such as the “Right to be Forgotten” and “Data Portability.” It mandates one of six legal bases for processing and is renowned for its stringent penalties, which can reach up to €20 million or 4% of global annual turnover.

– United States: California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA/CPRA)

In the absence of a federal privacy law, the CCPA serves as the de facto standard in the US. It focuses on consumer rights, particularly the right to opt out of the “sale” or “sharing” of personal data. It is enforced by the California Privacy Protection Agency (CPPA).

– China: Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL)

Often referred to as the “GDPR of China,” the PIPL is characterised by a strong state-centric approach. It imposes stringent restrictions on cross-border data transfers, requiring security assessments by state authorities. Its definition of “sensitive data” is notably broad.

– Brazil: Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados (LGPD)

The LGPD is largely based on the GDPR framework but adapted to the Brazilian market. It applies to any data processing activity within Brazil, irrespective of where the processing entity is located.

A comparative analysis of these frameworks against India’s DPDPA reveals the distinct contours of India’s approach:

 

Feature GDPR (EU) CCPA (USA-CA) PIPL (China) DPDPA (India)
Model Rights-based Consumer-based State-centric Consent-based
Applicability Digital & non-digital Digital Digital & non-digital Digital only
Data Localization No (Adequacy based) No Strict Limited (Negative List)
Sensitive Data Explicit Categories Explicit Categories Explicit Categories No Separate Category
Penalties Up to 4% of Global Revenue Per Violation ($) % of Revenue / Fixed Fixed (up to ?250 Cr)

 

 

Contextualising DPDPA: India’s “Third Way”

 

The operationalisation of the DPDPA through the 2025 Rules signals India’s deliberate entry into the global ecosystem of regulated data sovereignty. India’s position can best be understood by examining three dominant global data governance models:

  1. The European Model: “Rights-Based” Approach

– Key Legislation: GDPR.

– Viewpoint: Privacy is a fundamental human right. This model focuses on comprehensive protection, granular user control, and heavy penalties.

– Impact on DPDPA: The GDPR served as the primary architect for the DPDPA. Concepts such as Data Fiduciary (controller), Data Principal (subject), and the requirement for valid Consent are directly derived from it. However, the DPDPA is notably more concise and business-friendly, aiming for a lower compliance burden than its European counterpart.

  1. The US Model: “Market-Driven” Mosaic

– Key Legislation: No single federal law; relies on state laws like the CCPA and sectoral laws (HIPAA, GLBA).

– Viewpoint: Privacy is a consumer protection issue, focusing on preventing specific harms through targeted regulation.

– Contrast with DPDPA: Unlike the fragmented US approach, India has opted for a singular, comprehensive federal framework applicable across all sectors.

  1. The Authoritarian/Sovereign Model: “Security-First” Approach

– Key Legislation: China’s PIPL, Russia’s Data Laws. 

– Viewpoint: Data is a national asset. The focus is on data localisation—keeping data within national borders for state access and national security.

– India’s Shift: Early drafts of the Indian law (2018/2019) leaned toward this model, mandating strict localisation. However, the final DPDPA pivoted to a more pragmatic “trusted geography” approach, permitting cross-border flows unless a jurisdiction is specifically restricted.

India’s Position: A Deliberate Balance

The DPDPA represents a calculated effort to forge a middle path. It avoids the immense compliance complexity of the GDPR and the fragmentation of the US model, while strategically stepping back from the rigid data localisation of the Chinese framework. This “Third Way” is characterised by:

– Simplicity: Unlike the 99 articles of the GDPR, the DPDPA is a concise, principle-based statute.

– Digital-First Approach: It is one of the few laws to explicitly acknowledge the digital nature of modern data, excluding offline records to reduce administrative burden.

– Global Interoperability: By shifting from a “whitelist” (only allowed countries) to a “blacklist” (all allowed except those restricted) for cross-border data transfers, India signals its intent to integrate with the global digital economy while retaining the sovereign power to restrict data flows for geopolitical reasons.

A Dual-Lens Framework

The DPDPA, as operationalised by the 2025 Rules, is designed to be viewed through a dual lens. First, it serves as a mechanism to give effect to the fundamental right to privacy, as affirmed by the Supreme Court in K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017). Second, it is structured to be technology-friendly, positioning India as a trusted and attractive destination for the digital economy. By striking a balance between individual rights and national interests, India’s data protection framework aspires to be more than a compliance checklist—it aims to become a cornerstone of its digital future.

[For Part I — The Foundations of Privacy: Evolution of Indian Laws & A Roadmap to DPDPA, click here]

(Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd is a Certified Data Privacy Professional and Strategic & Geopolitical Advisor with over two decades of experience in intelligence, insider threat management, financial crime investigations, and geopolitical risk analysis, advising on complex security and strategic risks.)

*(This is the second installment in a series. The next part will explore the sectoral impact of the DPDPA, focusing on the obligations for specific industries such as healthcare, fintech, and e-commerce.)*

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part II — From Principles to Practice: The DPDP Rules 2025, Global Paradigms & India’s Middle Path first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/digital-personal-data-protection-act-dpdpa-2023-series-part-ii-from-principles-to-practice-the-dpdp-rules-2025-global-paradigms-indias-middle-path/

Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat

ICIMOD report links rising disasters to funding gaps as Manipur reels under hailstorms, floods, and landslides. Mountain ecosystems and rural livelihoods at tipping point By Salam Rajesh The Hindu Kush Himalaya region faces escalating climate risks, including glacial melt, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events, posing severe threats to ecosystems, livelihoods, and the well-being of […]

The post Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

ICIMOD report links rising disasters to funding gaps as Manipur reels under hailstorms, floods, and landslides. Mountain ecosystems and rural livelihoods at tipping point

By Salam Rajesh

The Hindu Kush Himalaya region faces escalating climate risks, including glacial melt, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events, posing severe threats to ecosystems, livelihoods, and the well-being of billions dependent on its resources.

This ominous assessment is an emancipation of studies carried out by the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), as is presented in its publication ‘Climate Finance Synthesis Report: Needs, Flows and Gaps in the HKH countries (2025)’.

The Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH) is one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable regions, facing growing threats from extreme weather events like glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs), landslides, droughts, floods, forest fires, and intense monsoons.

The frequency, intensity, and duration of these events are increasing, exacerbating risks to ecosystems, food security, and livelihoods, particularly in rural and mountainous areas according to the ICIMOD studies.

The report estimates that the Hindu Kush Himalaya region requires approximately USD 12.065 trillion from year 2020 to 2050 for financing climate mitigation and adaptation measures, amounting to an annual average of a staggering USD 768.68 billion.

According to the Climate Risk Index (CRI) 2025 Report, floods, storms, and heat waves has caused significant global fatalities and economic losses, with floods alone affecting half of those impacted and storms accounting for 56% of economic damages to the tune of USD 2.33 trillion.

The ICIMOD report stressed that sectors crucial to the region, such as adaptation, agriculture, water management, and disaster risk reduction, remain significantly underfunded despite their critical importance.

The report assessed that limited private sector engagement, insufficient institutional capacity, fragmented policy landscapes, and weak data infrastructure further compound these challenges.

Several Indian States located within the HKH region had felt the impact of weather and climate extremes in recent years, incurring huge losses and damages to human lives, infrastructures, and to the natural environment.

From the damaging GLOF events in Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand to cloud bursts in Sikkim, massive floods in Assam, and devastating hailstorms in Nagaland and Manipur, nature’s fury had not spared anyone as such.

Manipur in recent years is seeing unprecedented scenarios of weather extremes, resulting in bursts of rains in short duration, flash floods, landslides, lightning strikes, and the damaging hailstorms.

Homes, agricultural fields and crops have not been spared, rendering tremendous economic losses for many who are in the marginalized sectors – peasants and agricultural farmers.

On Sunday (15 March) many parts of the State – Senapati, Imphal West, Kakching, Bishnupur, Tengnoupal – were hit by a fierce hailstorm ferried by a strong wind that blew off roofs and flatten houses.

Quite recently, farmers in Bishnupur District were left thunderstruck when a fierce hailstorm wreak havoc with their vegetable crops, totally flatten and battered beyond redemption, while tin roofing were punctured with multiple holes as if strapped by machine gun fire.

To address some of these pressing issues, the ICIMOD report recommended enhancing regional and global advocacy for HKH-specific climate funding, strengthening national and regional climate finance strategies, improving policy coherence, and developing robust financial mechanisms and innovative market-based instruments.

The report suggests that this could be achieved by building strong national institutional capacities and governance frameworks to manage and mobilize climate finance effectively.

It suggests leveraging innovative financial instruments, such as green and blue bonds, debt-for-climate swaps, and voluntary carbon markets, tailored specifically for mountain economies, to achieve the stated goals.

While suggesting urgent collective action and targeted financial investment as critical for building climate resilience, safeguarding ecosystems, and supporting sustainable development for current and future generations in the HKH region, the report emphasized that improving data infrastructure, climate risk assessments, and reporting systems to attract investments and enhance accountability require priority.

Without mincing words, the report points out that the challenges faced by the mountain regions, such as climate vulnerability, environmental degradation, and socio-economic disparities, are often overlooked in national, regional and global planning.

At the same time, the report fairly warns that with global warming projected to exceed the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold by the year 2027 (WMO, 2025) – hardly a year from now – there is a pressing need for urgent climate action efforts to address key risks in mountain regions, with several structural challenges, such as lack of climate financing, hindering such efforts from attaining the requisite scope and scale.

Describing mountains as hotspots of climate change, the report extols that as in all other mountain regions of the world, in the HKH region too, the observed changes are increasing temperatures, changing seasonal weather patterns, reductions in snow persistence at low elevations, loss of glacier mass, increased permafrost thaw and incidence of glacial lake disasters.

Even as wars (Ukraine-Russia/Iran-Israel) escalates deaths and destructions, subsequently inflicting huge loss and damage, climate and weather extremes too are causing almost an equal amount of loss and damage as nature unleashes its fury left and right.

The massive wildfires in Australia, Europe and in the United States recently are but the tip of the iceberg in recent climate concerns, only worsening by the year. Glacial retreats and formation of glacial lakes in the HKH mountains are the proverbial warnings before catastrophe.

This is where rational suggestions such as those coming up from ICIMOD is a fair indication that States must come up with climate financing mechanism urgently to avoid climate and weather extreme disasters in the very near future within the HKH region.

Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh are in the red zones of climate and weather extremes, and hence actions require to be initiated soon enough. Even small nondescript States like Manipur and Nagaland are beginning to reel under unprecedented weather extremes in recent times.

 

The post Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/climate-extremes-batter-hindu-kush-himalaya-northeast-feels-the-heat/

Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat

ICIMOD report links rising disasters to funding gaps as Manipur reels under hailstorms, floods, and landslides. Mountain ecosystems and rural livelihoods at tipping point By Salam Rajesh The Hindu Kush Himalaya region faces escalating climate risks, including glacial melt, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events, posing severe threats to ecosystems, livelihoods, and the well-being of […]

The post Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

ICIMOD report links rising disasters to funding gaps as Manipur reels under hailstorms, floods, and landslides. Mountain ecosystems and rural livelihoods at tipping point

By Salam Rajesh

The Hindu Kush Himalaya region faces escalating climate risks, including glacial melt, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events, posing severe threats to ecosystems, livelihoods, and the well-being of billions dependent on its resources.

This ominous assessment is an emancipation of studies carried out by the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), as is presented in its publication ‘Climate Finance Synthesis Report: Needs, Flows and Gaps in the HKH countries (2025)’.

The Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH) is one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable regions, facing growing threats from extreme weather events like glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs), landslides, droughts, floods, forest fires, and intense monsoons.

The frequency, intensity, and duration of these events are increasing, exacerbating risks to ecosystems, food security, and livelihoods, particularly in rural and mountainous areas according to the ICIMOD studies.

The report estimates that the Hindu Kush Himalaya region requires approximately USD 12.065 trillion from year 2020 to 2050 for financing climate mitigation and adaptation measures, amounting to an annual average of a staggering USD 768.68 billion.

According to the Climate Risk Index (CRI) 2025 Report, floods, storms, and heat waves has caused significant global fatalities and economic losses, with floods alone affecting half of those impacted and storms accounting for 56% of economic damages to the tune of USD 2.33 trillion.

The ICIMOD report stressed that sectors crucial to the region, such as adaptation, agriculture, water management, and disaster risk reduction, remain significantly underfunded despite their critical importance.

The report assessed that limited private sector engagement, insufficient institutional capacity, fragmented policy landscapes, and weak data infrastructure further compound these challenges.

Several Indian States located within the HKH region had felt the impact of weather and climate extremes in recent years, incurring huge losses and damages to human lives, infrastructures, and to the natural environment.

From the damaging GLOF events in Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand to cloud bursts in Sikkim, massive floods in Assam, and devastating hailstorms in Nagaland and Manipur, nature’s fury had not spared anyone as such.

Manipur in recent years is seeing unprecedented scenarios of weather extremes, resulting in bursts of rains in short duration, flash floods, landslides, lightning strikes, and the damaging hailstorms.

Homes, agricultural fields and crops have not been spared, rendering tremendous economic losses for many who are in the marginalized sectors – peasants and agricultural farmers.

On Sunday (15 March) many parts of the State – Senapati, Imphal West, Kakching, Bishnupur, Tengnoupal – were hit by a fierce hailstorm ferried by a strong wind that blew off roofs and flatten houses.

Quite recently, farmers in Bishnupur District were left thunderstruck when a fierce hailstorm wreak havoc with their vegetable crops, totally flatten and battered beyond redemption, while tin roofing were punctured with multiple holes as if strapped by machine gun fire.

To address some of these pressing issues, the ICIMOD report recommended enhancing regional and global advocacy for HKH-specific climate funding, strengthening national and regional climate finance strategies, improving policy coherence, and developing robust financial mechanisms and innovative market-based instruments.

The report suggests that this could be achieved by building strong national institutional capacities and governance frameworks to manage and mobilize climate finance effectively.

It suggests leveraging innovative financial instruments, such as green and blue bonds, debt-for-climate swaps, and voluntary carbon markets, tailored specifically for mountain economies, to achieve the stated goals.

While suggesting urgent collective action and targeted financial investment as critical for building climate resilience, safeguarding ecosystems, and supporting sustainable development for current and future generations in the HKH region, the report emphasized that improving data infrastructure, climate risk assessments, and reporting systems to attract investments and enhance accountability require priority.

Without mincing words, the report points out that the challenges faced by the mountain regions, such as climate vulnerability, environmental degradation, and socio-economic disparities, are often overlooked in national, regional and global planning.

At the same time, the report fairly warns that with global warming projected to exceed the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold by the year 2027 (WMO, 2025) – hardly a year from now – there is a pressing need for urgent climate action efforts to address key risks in mountain regions, with several structural challenges, such as lack of climate financing, hindering such efforts from attaining the requisite scope and scale.

Describing mountains as hotspots of climate change, the report extols that as in all other mountain regions of the world, in the HKH region too, the observed changes are increasing temperatures, changing seasonal weather patterns, reductions in snow persistence at low elevations, loss of glacier mass, increased permafrost thaw and incidence of glacial lake disasters.

Even as wars (Ukraine-Russia/Iran-Israel) escalates deaths and destructions, subsequently inflicting huge loss and damage, climate and weather extremes too are causing almost an equal amount of loss and damage as nature unleashes its fury left and right.

The massive wildfires in Australia, Europe and in the United States recently are but the tip of the iceberg in recent climate concerns, only worsening by the year. Glacial retreats and formation of glacial lakes in the HKH mountains are the proverbial warnings before catastrophe.

This is where rational suggestions such as those coming up from ICIMOD is a fair indication that States must come up with climate financing mechanism urgently to avoid climate and weather extreme disasters in the very near future within the HKH region.

Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh are in the red zones of climate and weather extremes, and hence actions require to be initiated soon enough. Even small nondescript States like Manipur and Nagaland are beginning to reel under unprecedented weather extremes in recent times.

 

The post Climate Extremes Batter Hindu Kush Himalaya, Northeast Feels the Heat first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/climate-extremes-batter-hindu-kush-himalaya-northeast-feels-the-heat/

Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part I — The Foundations of Privacy: Evolution of Indian Laws & A Roadmap to DPDPA

This article, the first in a series, traces the evolution of privacy in India from a fragmented common law concept to the fundamental right enshrined in the 2017 Puttaswamy judgment. It then provides a comprehensive overview of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, highlighting its key definitions, salient features, and how it establishes a […]

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part I — The Foundations of Privacy: Evolution of Indian Laws & A Roadmap to DPDPA first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

This article, the first in a series, traces the evolution of privacy in India from a fragmented common law concept to the fundamental right enshrined in the 2017 Puttaswamy judgment. It then provides a comprehensive overview of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, highlighting its key definitions, salient features, and how it establishes a unified, consent-centric framework to replace the outdated sectoral regulations of the IT Act.

Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd

Introduction

The enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 (DPDPA) marks a transformative milestone in India’s journey toward a robust and accountable digital economy. The Act is designed to operationalize the Right to Privacy, affirmed as a fundamental right by the Supreme Court in the landmark K.S. Puttaswamy Judgment (2017). By establishing a comprehensive, consent-centric framework for processing digital personal data, the DPDPA empowers individuals with meaningful rights over their information, thereby aligning India’s data governance with global privacy standards.

The Concept of Privacy in India: A Pre-DPDPA Perspective

Prior to the DPDPA, the concept of privacy in India was not anchored in a single, overarching statute but was instead shaped through fragmented judicial interpretations and sector-specific regulations. This patchwork approach left the judiciary grappling with the dual challenge of defining the scope of privacy rights while balancing them against national imperatives like economic growth and digital inclusion.

The watershed moment for this evolution was the large-scale digitization of public services—most notably the Aadhaar program—which catalyzed a paradigm shift. The understanding of privacy expanded from a notion of physical autonomy to a broader right of control over one’s own data. In the contemporary context, Indian jurisprudence now views privacy through a dual lens:

  •  As a Fundamental Value: Recognizing privacy as an intrinsic and inalienable human right.
  • As an Active Value: Acknowledging privacy as a critical prerequisite for fostering innovation, building trust in the digital ecosystem, and safeguarding other fundamental freedoms.

Cornerstones of Privacy: Milestones & Governing Laws
Before the DPDPA, India’s privacy landscape was a mosaic of constitutional principles and sectoral rules. The key pillars were:

The Constitutional Keystone: K.S. Puttaswamy V. Union Of India (2017). This unanimous verdict by a nine-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court serves as the bedrock of modern Indian privacy law.

– The Landmark Ruling: The Court unanimously held that the Right to Privacy is an intrinsic facet of the Right to Life and Personal Liberty guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution.
– The Enduring Impact: The judgment established a rigorous, three-fold test to validate any state-imposed intrusion into privacy, mandating that such action must satisfy:
– Legality: The presence of a validly enacted law.
– Necessity: A legitimate state interest or aim.
– Proportionality: A rational and proportionate link between the means employed and the object sought to be achieved.

The Pre-Existing Legal Framework Governing Privacy

The Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act). For years, the IT Act served as the primary statutory mechanism for data protection in India, functioning largely through Section 43A.

– The SPDI Rules (2011): Framed under the IT Act, the Sensitive Personal Data or Information Rules mandated that corporate entities implement and maintain reasonable security practices and procedures.
– Inherent Limitations: The Rules were confined to corporate bodies and applied only to a narrow category of “sensitive” data, leaving a vast expanse of “personal” data—and the public sector—outside any regulatory ambit.

Sector-Specific Regulations. Pending a central law, sectoral regulators filled the void by imposing privacy and confidentiality mandates within their domains:

– Financial Sector: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) enforced stringent data localization norms and confidentiality requirements for payments ecosystem data.
– Telecom Sector: The Unified License agreement imposed binding confidentiality clauses on telecom service providers concerning subscriber details.
– Healthcare Sector: Patient confidentiality was primarily governed by professional ethics regulations, such as the Indian Medical Council Regulations, 2002, alongside draft legislation like the Digital Information Security in Healthcare Act (DISHA), which remained in a nascent stage.

 

Concept and Existing Privacy Laws in India

 

The Imperative for a Comprehensive Framework – The inadequacies of the IT Act’s Section 43A—particularly the absence of an independent regulatory authority and weak enforcement mechanisms—underscored the urgent need for a dedicated, omnibus data protection law. This legislative journey commenced with the Justice B.N. Srikrishna Committee (2017), which produced the first draft of the Personal Data Protection Bill. Subsequent iterations in 2018, 2019, and 2022 were deliberated, debated, and ultimately withdrawn, paving the way for the passage of the DPDPA in August 2023. The subsequent notification of the DPDP Rules, 2025 translated the Act’s mandate into actionable procedures, detailing governance structures, compliance thresholds, and implementation timelines.

Overview of the DPDPA 2023 – The DPDPA 2023 establishes a comprehensive regime for the processing of digital personal data within India, including data originally collected in non-digital form and later digitized. It possesses extraterritorial applicability, binding entities outside India that process data in connection with offering goods or services to Data Principals within India. The Act applies uniformly to public and private entities, with specific exemptions for notified state functions, research, and certain low-risk processing activities.

Key Definitions:

– Data Principal: The individual to whom the personal data pertains, with special provisions for children and persons with disabilities.
– Data Fiduciary: The entity that determines the purpose and means of processing. A subclass, Significant Data Fiduciaries (SDFs), are subject to heightened compliance obligations due to the scale and sensitivity of their operations.
– Other Key Entities: The framework also defines the roles of Data Processors, Consent Managers, and establishes the Data Protection Board of India (DPBI) as the primary adjudicatory and enforcement authority.

Salient Features of the DPDPA 2023

– Consent and Legitimate Uses: Consent must be free, specific, informed, unconditional, and unambiguous, with a clear affirmative action. Notices must be provided in plain and simple language, including translations in any language specified in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. The Act also identifies certain “legitimate uses” that permit data processing without explicit consent (e.g., for specified state functions, medical emergencies, employment purposes, and legal compliance).

– Empowering Data Principals: The Act enshrines foundational rights for individuals, including the rights to access information, seek correction and completion of data, demand erasure, and have access to effective grievance redressal mechanisms. A novel provision allows a Data Principal to nominate another individual to exercise these rights in the event of their death or incapacity.

– Safeguarding Children’s Data: The Act imposes strict prohibitions on tracking, behavioural monitoring, or targeted advertising** directed at children. Processing of children’s data is conditional upon obtaining verifiable parental consent, with provisions for future relaxations to be specified through rules.

– Enshrining Duties of Data Principals: In a significant move, the Act imposes specific duties on individuals, prohibiting them from filing frivolous or false complaints, furnishing false particulars, or impersonating others.

– Penalties for Non-Compliance: The Act introduces a stringent financial penalty regime, with monetary fines reaching up to ?250 Crore Per Contravention. Higher penalty slabs are prescribed for particularly egregious violations, such as data security breaches and non-compliance with provisions relating to children’s data.

Architecture of the DPDPA 2023

 

India’s erstwhile privacy framework, anchored in the Information Technology Act, 2000 (amended in 2008), proved fragmented and ill-suited for the digital age. Provisions like Sections 43A and 72A offered limited recourse, primarily focusing on compensation for negligence and penalties for unauthorized disclosure, but fell short of establishing a holistic framework of data rights. The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, therefore, represents a pivotal and long-overdue shift. As India’s first comprehensive data privacy law, it regulates the entire lifecycle of digital personal data, embedding principles of user consent, data minimization, and purpose limitation, while granting citizens enforceable rights and establishing the Data Protection Board as a robust oversight mechanism.

(Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha, Retd, is a Certified Data Privacy Professional and Strategic & GeoPolitical Advisor. In addition, his specialised fields includes Intelligence, Insider Threat Management, Financial Crime Investigation and Geopolitical Risk Analysis with experience of two decades in the field.)

The post Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) 2023 Series: Part I — The Foundations of Privacy: Evolution of Indian Laws & A Roadmap to DPDPA first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/digital-personal-data-protection-act-dpdpa-2023-series-part-i-the-foundations-of-privacy-evolution-of-indian-laws-a-roadmap-to-dpdpa/

Strengthen Protection for Migratory Freshwater Fish: IUCN

Global conservation body urges expanded species listings and stronger international cooperation ahead of CMS COP15 in Brazil. Declining fish populations, dams, pollution and climate change threaten river ecosystems and livelihoods worldwide. By Salam Rajesh Migratory freshwater fishes remain vastly under-represented in the CMS appendices despite facing severe declines and high extinction risk across the globe. […]

The post Strengthen Protection for Migratory Freshwater Fish: IUCN first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Global conservation body urges expanded species listings and stronger international cooperation ahead of CMS COP15 in Brazil. Declining fish populations, dams, pollution and climate change threaten river ecosystems and livelihoods worldwide.

By Salam Rajesh

Migratory freshwater fishes remain vastly under-represented in the CMS appendices despite facing severe declines and high extinction risk across the globe.

This critical assessment is the hard statement of the IUCN position paper of the fifteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP15) to the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS) to be held from the 23rd to the 29th later this month at Campo Grande in Brazil.

The document (Doc.25.6.1) to be presented at COP15 and the Global Assessment of Migratory Freshwater Fishes underscores the urgent need to strengthen international cooperation and protection for migratory freshwater fish species globally.

Only a small fraction of known migratory freshwater fish species is currently covered by CMS listings, even as fish species worldwide face acute challenges with their habitats threatened by dams, pollution, water abstraction, climate change, overfishing and other undesired human interventions.

Highlighting this critical conservation gap, IUCN stresses that the CMS can help address these issues by expanding species listings and coordinated actions at basin scale across the seven continents.

On the basis of this urgency, IUCN called on all Parties to the Convention to support improved data, baselines and specified proposals targeted at enhancing freshwater fish inclusion and conservation under the Convention, thereto recognizing their essential roles for river ecosystem health, food security and livelihoods worldwide.

Stating its stand on the matter, IUCN committed to supporting CMS Parties with scientific data and advice on migratory freshwater fish species and their conservation.

Making its position clear on communities and livelihoods, IUCN said it strongly supported the proposal from the eighth meeting of the Sessional Committee of the Scientific Council (ScC-SC8) in establishing a dedicated working group that would deal with the strategic issues related to interactions between communities and the CMS listed species (in reference to: UNEP/CMS/COP15/Doc.28.4/Add.1).

IUCN suggested that COP15 needs to amend the text to specifically focus on issues related to ‘human–wildlife conflict and coexistence’ which are addressed by various CMS frameworks, where a multi-stakeholder working group is crucial in promoting alignment and coordination across these initiatives.

The suggestion further stressed that by leveraging the impartial support of the IUCN SSC (Species Survival Commission) Human–Wildlife Conflict & Coexistence Specialist Group, the proposed working group would help Parties prevent and mitigate the impacts of human–wildlife conflict on CMS-listed species while promoting coexistence.

On Transfrontier Conservation Areas, IUCN said it supported the adoption of the draft decisions on Transfrontier Conservation Areas for Migratory Species (COP15/Doc.28.3) and that it stood ready to assist Parties through its technical expertise and global experience in transboundary conservation.

This support is reflected in outcomes of the Forum event held at the 8th IUCN World Conservation Congress (October 2025) which produced the report “Transboundary Conservation Around the World: Ecologically and Culturally Well-connected Landscapes and Seascapes”.

The report highlighted two key priorities directly relevant to CMS implementation. These are: (1) Emphasize moving from planning to action, harmonizing laws and management across borders, integrating connectivity for all species and ecosystems, and applying conflict-sensitive strategies, and (2) Long-term funding and multi-sector collaboration critical for sustained success.

IUCN therefore encouraged Parties to advance practical, cooperative measures that would strengthen connectivity for migratory species across national boundaries.

Touching on the subject of light pollution, IUCN welcomed the CMS draft decision on light pollution (COP15/Doc.28.7) and said it supported its emphasis on consolidating and disseminating the CMS International Light Pollution Guidelines for Migratory Species.

The draft decision recognized light pollution as a growing, cross-sectoral threat to migratory species and ecosystems, reflecting a mature phase of CMS work in which the priority shifts from developing new guidance to scaling up implementation, outreach and uptake by Parties and stakeholders.

Welcoming the conclusion of the Scientific Council that no immediate amendments to the guidelines are required, IUCN suggested that efforts should focus on awareness-raising, capacity building, and integration into policy and planning processes.

An interesting aspect of its position paper is with reference to the conservation implications of animal culture and social complexity.

IUCN welcomed the document COP15/Doc.28.13 on Conservation Implication of Animal Culture and Social Complexity which recognized its alignment with IUCN Resolution 8.112 (2025) in planning for strengthening the preservation of biodiversity through the use of Longevity Conservation approaches to ensure naturally age-structured populations of species.

Scientific evidence demonstrates that older individuals in animal populations often perform disproportionately important ecological, demographic, and social roles, serving as repositories of ecological knowledge, behavioural traditions, and socially learned strategies that enhance survival, reproduction, and population resilience – concepts that closely linked to emerging global work on animal culture and social learning under CMS.

IUCN appreciated the positive dialogue with the CMS Secretariat on the topic of animal culture and social complexity.

In collaboration with the CMS Secretariat and the Chair of the CMS Expert Group on Animal Culture, and through the IUCN CEESP-SSC Conservation of Animal Culture Task Force, IUCN sought in advancing the integration of animal culture into conservation policy and practice.

Complementing CMS’s focus on migratory species, IUCN promoted a holistic approach across migratory and non-migratory species, inclusive of traditional knowledge and Indigenous perspectives.

IUCN’s push for protection of migratory freshwater fish species is viewed in perspective of the concerns on rapid depletion of wetlands due to the primary reason of human interference in many aspects including infrastructure developments and reclamation of wetlands for different activities, thereby threatening fish populations and their habitats.

Dams across rivers have long been one of the contentious reasons for depleting migratory freshwater fish fishes like salmon and trout, triggering extensive tension between developmental agencies and the IPLCs (Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities), primarily over resources and livelihoods.

In this scenario, an isolated State like Manipur in India’s far northeast is no exception with the contentious Ithai Barrage for the 105 megawatt Loktak hydroelectric power project disrupting migratory freshwater fish routes and causing species loss upstream of the barrage, a reason that is cited as inducing economic loss and threats to livelihoods for thousands of fishing families within the Manipur River basin.

The post Strengthen Protection for Migratory Freshwater Fish: IUCN first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/strengthen-protection-for-migratory-freshwater-fish-iucn/

Checkmate On The Fossil Fuel Dialogues

Donald Trump’s aggression in the Middle East reflects the West’s intended move to dominate the world economy which in other words can be equated to Nazi Germany’s campaign to subjugate the world militarily and politically with dominance over agricultural, mineral and oil rich countries By Salam Rajesh The Unites States’ interference in the Middle East […]

The post Checkmate On The Fossil Fuel Dialogues first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Donald Trump’s aggression in the Middle East reflects the West’s intended move to dominate the world economy which in other words can be equated to Nazi Germany’s campaign to subjugate the world militarily and politically with dominance over agricultural, mineral and oil rich countries

By Salam Rajesh

The Unites States’ interference in the Middle East is largely seen by observers as a premeditated campaign to consolidate its hold on the oil rich nations which the western states require to sustain and bolster their global geopolitical dominance – politically and economically.

Donald Trump’s aggression in the Middle East reflects the West’s intended move to dominate the world economy which in other words can be equated to Nazi Germany’s campaign to subjugate the world militarily and politically with dominance over agricultural, mineral and oil rich countries.

The United Nations has since been in the thick of heated debates over ending fossil fuel resourcing, exploitation and production as a means to address critical concerns on global warming and climate extremes that otherwise are threatening humanity and the planet with dire consequences if actions are not taken up immediately.

The call to reduce and halt fossil fuel use extensively has been the centre-piece of extended dialogues in several of the climate conferences around the world – Belem, Abu Dhabi, Baku, Kunming, Montreal, Paris, Tokyo, and many more.

Yet, the dialogues have remained stuck in most instances, with world leaders like Donald Trump kicking aside these dialogues as a ‘waste of time’. The United States had recently moved away from these dialogues by distancing itself from the UN functionaries, with even Trump saying that climate change is a ‘lie’.

In recent climate conferences there were heated debates between fossil fuel lobbyists and those suggesting reducing and limiting fossil fuel use globally.

The COP30 at Belem in Brazil, held in November last year, came up with a statement on transitioning away from fossil fuels, supported by over 80 countries including Australia, Austria, Belgium, Cambodia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Denmark, Fiji, Finland, Ireland, Jamaica, Kenya, Luxembourg, Marshall Islands, Mexico, Micronesia, Nepal, Netherlands, Panama, Spain, Slovenia, Vanuatu and Tuvalu.

The declaration is grounded in the scientific truth that fossil fuels are the primary driver of the climate crisis, and subsequently the Government of Colombia, in alliance with the Government of the Netherlands, announced the first international conference on just transition away from fossil fuels.

The conference proposed to be held at Santa Marta, Colombia, on 28 April later this year is projected as a broad intergovernmental, multi-sectoral platform, complementary to the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change), and designed to identify legal, economic, and social pathways for phasing out fossil fuels.

The proposed climate conference seeks in the deliberation on financial and trade mechanisms, macroeconomic challenges, fossil fuel subsidy phase out, renewable energy acceleration, economic diversification, and labor reconversion.

The Belem climate conference had some immediate results, such as, following the leaders’ summit at Belem, Netherlands’ Prime Minister went to Aruba to announce the closure of the oil refinery with a Dutch green subsidy fund. As of 2030, the Netherlands will prohibit electricity production with coal.

The atoll nation of Tuvalu, which is currently facing total submergence due to rising sea level as an after-effect of global warming, raised the urgency of climate action while noting that achieving the climate goals required international cooperation.

Tuvalu was one of the first countries to call for the development of a fossil fuel treaty, offering the clearest pathway for ‘a negotiated, fair and forcible transition away from coal, oil and gas’. The International Court of Justice, too, confirmed that acting in line with climate science is a legal obligation.

The proposed treaty process complements the Paris Climate agreement by addressing fossil fuel phase out directly.

Urging global community to support the proposed treaty, one of Tuvalu ministers called out that, “We are already drowning, but we will not give up and we will never give up. We are headed towards a point of no return and we need to do something (fast)”.

The Belem conference did emphasize that phasing out fossil fuels requires substantial growth in renewable energy, which is in other words is the energy transition that is necessary to address climate goals and to achieve stable economies, and overall security.

Meanwhile, even as these heated dialogues are doing the rounds in contrasting political scenario, climate watch groups are coming up with findings that are warnings of dire consequences if actions on climate mitigation and adaptation processes are not initiated post-haste.

The Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S) noted that ‘a large region of the subtropical and the northeast North Atlantic, including the Norwegian Sea, had the warmest sea surface temperatures (SSTs) on record for the time of year’.

The SSTs were higher than the average in large parts of the North Pacific Ocean as well and were near normal in central and eastern Pacific Ocean, because of the prevailing weak La Nina conditions, C3S said.

In the Southern Hemisphere, where it is summer season now, temperatures in southern South America, Northern Africa, most of Australia and Antarctica were much higher than the normal. This lead to extensive and intense heat waves in many regions and even triggered devastating wildfires, the climate watch group said.

The excessive heat that generated wildfires in southeastern Australia in the second week of January earlier this year were made five times more likely and 1.6 degrees Celsius hotter due to global warming and consequent climate change, according to an analysis by the World Weather Attribution (WWA) consortium.

The cold snaps on land did not have much of an impact on sea surface temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere, especially close to Europe and North America. The average sea surface temperatures between the latitudes 60°S–60°N was 20.68°C was the fourth highest average SST on record.

All said and done, the unprecedented winter storm that lashed parts of the United States, including New York, earlier this year is a fair warning that climate extremes are becoming more extreme by the year.

 

The post Checkmate On The Fossil Fuel Dialogues first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/checkmate-on-the-fossil-fuel-dialogues/

Building Scientific Temper for Viksit Universities in Manipur

Beyond Infrastructure: Why Intellectual Courage and Evidence-Based Inquiry Must Anchor Higher Education in the State By Dr Maibam Birla Singh National Science Day, observed every year on 28 February, commemorates the discovery of the Raman Effect by Nobel Laureate Sir C.V. Raman in 1928. His ground-breaking work demonstrated that when light passes through a transparent […]

The post Building Scientific Temper for Viksit Universities in Manipur first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Beyond Infrastructure: Why Intellectual Courage and Evidence-Based Inquiry Must Anchor Higher Education in the State

By Dr Maibam Birla Singh

National Science Day, observed every year on 28 February, commemorates the discovery of the Raman Effect by Nobel Laureate Sir C.V. Raman in 1928. His ground-breaking work demonstrated that when light passes through a transparent substance, a small fraction of it scatters with a change in wavelength, revealing crucial information about molecular structure. The discovery not only earned India its first Nobel Prize in the sciences in 1930, but also ignited confidence that world-class scientific research could emerge from Indian soil.

Science in pre-independence India developed under severe institutional and resource constraints, yet it produced work of global significance through the dedication of a few visionary scholars. Colonial policies limited funding, infrastructure and autonomy for advanced research but Indian scientists built a culture of inquiry within universities and laboratories such as the Indian Association for the cultivation of science. In this intellectually vibrant but materially modest environment, C. V. Raman made his landmark discovery of the Raman Effect in 1928, demonstrating that high-quality fundamental research could emerge from India despite colonial limitations. Raman’s work, which earned him the Nobel Prize in Physics, became a powerful symbol of India’s scientific potential and self-reliance. His discovery not only advanced molecular spectroscopy worldwide but also inspired the growth of indigenous scientific institutions and research traditions that later supported India’s post-independence scientific expansion. The true legacy of the Raman Effect lies beyond physics or chemistry. It represents a mindset curiosity-driven inquiry, independent thinking, and faith in the power of reason. Working in pre-independence India with modest resources, Raman proved that scientific excellence does not begin with infrastructure; it begins with intellectual courage.

This message holds special relevance for Manipur and its emerging universities. As higher education institutions in the state continue to develop amidst financial and infrastructural constraints, National Science Day offers a moment for reflection. The future of universities in Manipur will not be determined solely by the scale of their buildings or laboratories, but by the strength of their scientific temper. Scientific temper, a value enshrined in the Constitution of India, refers to a culture of questioning, rational analysis, evidence-based reasoning, and openness to new ideas. For emerging institutions such as Dhanamanjuri University and other universities/colleges across the state, cultivating this mind set is foundational.

Manipur is widely recognized as a powerhouse of Indian sports. Thanks to our sport players and their outstanding achievements on national and international stages fill us with immense pride. The dedication of players and coaches rightly earns them rousing hero’s welcomes when they return home, often celebrated as true sons and daughters of the soil. This collective enthusiasm reflects the strong public support that sports enjoy in our society. However, a similar culture of recognition has not yet fully developed for achievements in academics and scientific research. Success in education and science is too often viewed as an individual accomplishment rather than a shared societal milestone. If we are to build a strong scientific temper in both universities and the wider community, this mindset must evolve. Universities have a crucial role to play in elevating and publicly celebrating intellectual and research achievements, thereby fostering a culture where excellence in science and education is valued, visible, and collectively owned by society.

In Manipur, a region marked by ecological sensitivity and socio-economic complexity, universities are uniquely positioned to confront real and immediate challenges. Beyond delivering higher education, universities must be guided by a clear vision, mission, and mandate that prioritize region-specific problems while generating solutions with global relevance, truly moving from local to global. Critical concerns such as the conservation of Loktak Lake, sustainable wetland management, climate-resilient agriculture, water quality improvement, renewable energy deployment, and responsible exploration of critical minerals require rigorous scientific inquiry grounded in local realities. Addressing these pressing issues demands not only technical capability but also the nurturing of a strong scientific temper and research culture within universities and across society in Manipur.

It may be noted that emerging universities also possess a distinct advantage; their close proximity to the community. In Manipur, this connection makes the cultivation of a strong scientific temper especially important, as it enables institutions to ground inquiry in evidence, encourage critical thinking, and translate knowledge into practical solutions. By aligning research with local needs, universities can build a robust model of region-focused innovation that is both socially responsive and scientifically rigorous. Efforts such as developing low-cost water purification systems, advancing sustainable agriculture and aquaculture models, designing frugal renewable energy technologies, documenting biodiversity, studying medicinal plants, strengthening water and flood management, earth-quakes studies and creating effective waste management solutions all require a culture that values observation, experimentation, and data-driven decision-making. Importantly, many of these challenges do not require extravagant infrastructure. They require clarity of thought, interdisciplinary collaboration, careful fieldwork, and strong theoretical foundations. When students are trained to ask the right questions and faculty are encouraged to pursue problem-oriented research, even modest laboratories can produce meaningful and impactful work. Building scientific temper within universities and society will ensure that such locally driven research delivers credible, scalable, and impactful outcomes for Manipur while contributing to broader global knowledge.

In the digital age, data-driven knowledge must no longer remain confined to elite centers only. Expanding open-access journals, online databases, computational platforms, and regional research networks is essential to enable young universities to participate meaningfully in the global scientific discourse. In this context, universities in Manipur should take the lead in establishing integrated data centers focused on biodiversity, indigenous knowledge systems, and extreme climate events. Such centers would function as vital repositories for systematically documenting species diversity, traditional ecological practices, and region-specific climate risks, transforming fragmented information into accessible, research-ready datasets. By integrating modern tools such as geospatial mapping, remote sensing, and advanced data analytics [artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML)] with community knowledge, universities can generate robust evidence to support conservation planning, climate adaptation, and sustainable resource management. These data hubs would further strengthen interdisciplinary research, inform public policy, and enhance early-warning and resilience planning for floods, droughts, and other climate extremes. Ultimately, developing well-curated and dynamic data centers is essential for nurturing scientific temper, safeguarding indigenous wisdom, and enabling informed, locally grounded decision-making with national and global relevance. What is required, however, is not funding alone but also institutional vision and a vibrant academic culture that recognizes and prioritizes regional importance and relevance based on scientific temper and culture. Building that culture means nurturing intellectual integrity, promoting debate, encouraging student-led research initiatives, and strengthening mentorship. It means valuing ideas over hierarchy and evidence over assumption. It means creating an academic environment where curiosity is rewarded and critical thinking is celebrated.

As Sir C.V. Raman once remarked that the essence of science lies in independent thinking and hard work, not merely in equipment or infrastructure. For universities in Manipur, this insight is profoundly relevant. Resource limitations need not be barriers; they can instead become catalysts for creativity and resilience. On this National Science Day 2026, to become Viksit universities in Manipur we must introspect, and discuss on how to embrace scientific temper as the cornerstone of their growth. By investing in strong foundations, rigorous education, interdisciplinary research, collaborative networks, and community engagement, the state can shape institutions that are intellectually vibrant and socially responsive.

Just as a scattered ray of light once revealed hidden molecular truths, a culture of scientific inquiry can illuminate the path forward for higher scientific education in Manipur. The future of the state’s universities will ultimately depend not only on resources, but on the courage to think independently, question deeply, and innovate responsibly.

The question before us is not whether science is important. It is whether we are prepared to place scientific temper at the center of our educational and developmental vision.

National Science Day is a reminder. The responsibility that follows is ours.

(The writer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Chemistry, Dhanamanjuri University (DMU) Manipur and may be contacted at birla_26@yahoo.co.in )

 

The post Building Scientific Temper for Viksit Universities in Manipur first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/building-scientific-temper-for-viksit-universities-in-manipur/

SIR and the Indigenous Question in Manipur

The Special Intensive Revision revives debate over citizenship, infiltration, and the ambiguity surrounding the ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ entry in Manipur’s Scheduled Tribes list. With no clear historical or demographic basis for the 2003 insertion, defining indigeneity under the new nomenclature may prove contentious. By Salam Rajesh India is currently in the process of executing a […]

The post SIR and the Indigenous Question in Manipur first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The Special Intensive Revision revives debate over citizenship, infiltration, and the ambiguity surrounding the ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ entry in Manipur’s Scheduled Tribes list. With no clear historical or demographic basis for the 2003 insertion, defining indigeneity under the new nomenclature may prove contentious.

By Salam Rajesh

India is currently in the process of executing a major task on the identification of its native citizens through a revision in the electoral roll across the country, an exercise that is projected to have hiccups and significant demographic impacts.

The countrywide SIR (Special Intensive Revision) seeks in weeding out the unwanted elements – the unauthorized, illegal entrants to the country via dubious means – infiltration through porous international borders, refugees from ethnic conflicts and wars, illegal immigration, migrant labor, and asylum seekers – all rolled into one.

For a starter, the southern State of Kerala removed a massive 897,211 individuals from its electoral roll, in obviously the process of weeding out unidentified individuals living in the State without authorization.

The Election Commission of India published the final electoral roll for Kerala after the SIR exercise, minus the near nine lakh ‘non-native’ individuals, leaving the actual number of eligible voters in that State at 2,69,53,644 voters, as compared to 2,78,50,855 before the Special Intensive Revision began in October 2025.

In the revised list, male voters numbered 1,31,26,048, while female voters accounted for 1,38,27,319, and transgender voters at 277. The number of overseas voters in the updated roll is 2,23,558, while service voters stand at 54,110.

So, keeping in mind this huge exercise in deleting a chunk of ‘non-native’ electorates from the state’s electoral list, it then comes to the basic question on how Manipur State will fare in this Special Intensive Revision exercise.

For one thing, there are repeated allegations of the unauthorized entry of elements from two neighboring countries – Myanmar and Bangladesh – in all of these years, yet so far failing to do a similar exercise to weed out the undesired elements.

The porous international border with neighboring Myanmar has always been the cited reason for the clandestine entry of illegal immigrants, smugglers, drug runners, armed militants, and so forth. Besides that, the lack of a foolproof mechanism to check entries at Jiribam, Mao Gate and Moreh has also been a factor for the unchecked entry of ‘foreign’ elements into Manipur.

Civil society organizations based in the State have given the call for conducting the NRC (National Register of Citizenship) before proceeding with the SIR exercise in view of the allegations over unaccounted number of ‘non-native’ individuals living in the State without valid documents.

Some time back, too, there was uproar over unreasonable increase in electorates within the Paomata circle in the northern uplands by almost over one hundred thousand individuals, beyond reasons unfathomable.

In the midst of these developments, Union home minister Amit Shah had announced in Guwahati the other day that all undesired elements from the North East region would be identified and kicked out.

This, of course, is better said than done. The northeastern states are well known for the controversies over large number of ‘infiltrators’ living and working in these states without valid reasons.

Assam and Arunachal Pradesh had issues with the Chakma refugees from Bangladesh. Manipur and Mizoram are infested with war refugees from neighboring Myanmar, plus the Rohingya refugees after genocide in that country, and added with the perpetual problem of the infiltration of drug runners and their henchmen.

The Centre had initiated process to fence the entire stretch of the international border shared by Myanmar with the Indian states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura, but that again is facing hiccups following objections from the States on the controversial issue of the free movement regime (FMR).

For Manipur, the SIR exercise could be an issue based on the demographic imbalance created by large infiltration particularly from Myanmar, with equal concern on allegations of infiltration from Bangladesh.

The effectiveness of the Inner Line Permit (ILP) system had long been in doubt over reports that the modus operandi of ‘officials’ at the entry points, particularly for the land routes, was turning the operation into a money-minting process by issuing ILPs with fake Aadhar cards.

All said and done, given the reason of the recent ethnic conflicts in the State vis-à-vis the dominance of armed militants ruling the roost, it is probable that the SIR exercise is going to face a rough-shod experience with most likely ‘disturbances’ from the armed non-state actors with dubious objectives, as fairly demonstrated at Sinakeithel village on Monday earlier this week.

Kuki groups had said that they will have nothing doing with the Manipur Government unless their demand for ‘separate administration’ is fulfilled. Yet, with the Central Government flatly denying this, it is perhaps going to be a hurdle for the SIR exercise in the ‘Kuki-inhabited’ pockets within Churachandpur and Kangpokpi districts.

The issue is further complicated by the inclusion of the terminology ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ as was published in the Gazette of India Extraordinary on 8th January, 2003 (in serial No.33 after Poumai in serial 30, Tarao in serial 31 and Kharam in serial 32) recognizing scheduled tribes for the State, where the contention from various angles was that the terminology was vague and does not specify any known tribe(s) in the State as such.

Incidentally, no other Indian State had such vague naming of tribe or terminology in the Amendment to the Act of 2002, thereby creating room for doubt on manipulation to certain degree with none opposing the inclusion at that time.

This particular terminology was (re)inserted in the country’s The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Act, 2002 (Gazette of India No.10 of 2003) at a time when the Union Government amended the Act to accord official recognition to few more tribes as Scheduled Tribes of Manipur under the Indian Constitution, and further at a time when a prominent Kuki leader was a minister at the Centre.

The coincidence is reflective of manipulation where the terminology ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ did not feature in the earlier schedule. So, unless this terminology is erased from the scheduled tribes list for Manipur, it is going to make matters complicated at the time of the SIR exercise.

Who would be the ‘Any Kuki Tribes’, and on what basis with reference to the demography and known history of the State, and the population counts all through these years. It will be difficult to name any specific tribe as ‘Indigenous’ under this new nomenclature other than the known tribes already in the scheduled tribes list for the State prior to 2003.

Statistically, Manipur’s total population is seen as rising in every census count. Whereas, this increase is neither re-assessed for validation nor re-confirmed on ground, that is, ground truthing vis-à-vis the allegations of infiltration and establishment of unidentified new villages (some allegedly within Protected Areas such as Reserved Forests and Wildlife Sanctuaries).

In all, the call for NRC exercise prior to SIR exercise sounds reasonable to avoid complicacy in assessing the actual count of heads eligible to cast votes in the State, albeit proxy citizenship and possible forged documents to identify themselves as ‘Indigenous’.

The post SIR and the Indigenous Question in Manipur first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/sir-and-the-indigenous-question-in-manipur/

Loktak Fishers Strive to achieve GBF Targets

Champu Khangpok fishers turn global biodiversity goals into grassroots action at Loktak Lake. The fishing community makes it a point to organize important annual events highlighting environmental and ecological concerns, sensitizing locals on the objectives of the GBF targets with prioritization on the long-term conservation of the freshwater Loktak Lake and its biological diversity. By Salam […]

The post Loktak Fishers Strive to achieve GBF Targets first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Champu Khangpok fishers turn global biodiversity goals into grassroots action at Loktak Lake. The fishing community makes it a point to organize important annual events highlighting environmental and ecological concerns, sensitizing locals on the objectives of the GBF targets with prioritization on the long-term conservation of the freshwater Loktak Lake and its biological diversity.

By Salam Rajesh

In these past several recent years, the fishing community thriving upon the floating island village of Champu Khangpok within Loktak Ramsar site in India’s far flung northeastern State of Manipur had continuously been contributing their mite in achieving locally some of the goals outlined in the targets set under the Global Biodiversity Framework of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).

The Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) that came into force at the CBD Kunming-Montreal convention during 2022 end came up with several goals that primarily aimed at achieving targets addressing biodiversity loss and species decline worldwide.

Much of the CBD’s GBF Targets – 23 targets in all – predominantly focuses on incorporating the active participation of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) in achieving the set goals in both short and long terms.

Fishers staging awareness drive in Loktak Lake.

Keeping this background in perspective, the fishing community of Champu Khangpok floating island village had since set themselves to task in contributing meaningfully towards achieving some of the aspects outlined in the CBD GBF targets in their own humble way, howsoever small their efforts might seem to be.

Champu Khangpok marked the observation of World Wetlands Day 2026 earlier this year with a cleanup drive within the lake and along the waterway of Yangoi Achouba (albeit Nambul River), prioritizing the fact that the lake had since become a dumping ground of urban wastes carried by the river along its flow through Imphal city, a fairly populated urbanized zone.

Champu Khangpok villagers also take upon themselves the task of regulating capture fishery to prevent species population decline within the lake and to restrict random capture of fingerlings during the spawning season, and in preventing unethical fishing methods using LED blubs at nighttime and electrocuting fish using batteries.

The fishing community makes it a point to organize important annual events highlighting environmental and ecological concerns, sensitizing locals on the objectives of the GBF targets with prioritization on the long term conservation of the freshwater Loktak Lake and its biological diversity.

Target 3 of the CBD’s GBF focuses on the conservation of 30 percent of the land, waters and the seas globally to protect life on land and in water. Within this target is an important element to recognize the Indigenous and traditional territories.

The Convention recognizes that ‘Indigenous peoples and local communities often own, occupy and manage areas with unique and significant biodiversity. The appropriate recognition of these areas, therefore, could make important contributions in achieving this target’.

This consideration comes with the perspective that the rights of the Indigenous peoples and local communities must be respected fully, including obtaining their free, prior and informed consent in all matters.

The Convention is convinced that the well-governed, effectively managed and representative protected areas, and other effective area-based conservation measures (OECMs), are a proven method for safeguarding both habitats and populations of species and for delivering important ecosystem services and multiple benefits to people.

The CBD has made it a valid point that ‘local people managed protected areas is a central element of biodiversity conservation strategies at the local, national and global levels’.

This consideration of IPLCs’ contribution in safeguarding biodiversity adds strength in achieving the GBF’s Target 4 which focuses on halting species extinction, protecting genetic diversity, and in managing human-wildlife conflicts.

Target 4 specifically ensures urgent management actions ‘to halt human induced extinction of known threatened species and for the recovery and conservation of species, in particular threatened species, and to significantly reduce extinction risk’.

The goal further is ‘to maintain and restore the genetic diversity within and between populations of native, wild and domesticated species to maintain their adaptive potential, including through in-situ and ex-situ conservation and sustainable management practices’.

In the same breadth, Target 6 of the GBF looks at addressing the menace of Invasive Alien Species (IAS) of plants and animals, seeking the reduction of the introduction of IAS by 50 percent globally within a time frame, and, thereto, minimize their impact on the localized biodiversity.

The objective of Target 6 is broadly outlined as: ‘Eliminate, minimize, reduce and or mitigate the impacts of invasive alien species on biodiversity and ecosystem services by identifying and managing pathways of the introduction of alien species, preventing the introduction and establishment of priority IAS, reducing the rates of introduction and establishment of other known or potential IAS by at least 50 percent, by 2030, eradicating or controlling IAS especially in priority sites, such as islands’.

This is one of the priority areas that the Loktak fishers have specifically focused upon in all of these years, highlighting time and again on the menace of aquatic plants, and fish, that are alien to the freshwater Loktak Lake and which are proving as nuisance plants, and fish, within the lake.

Another of the issues faced by the Loktak fishers is the level of pollution within the lake, accentuated by the pollutant loads and sewerage discharge from the urban areas. The Nambul River carries maximum pollutant loads from the urbanized Imphal city areas, a factor for high pollution level in the lake.

This issue is reflected in the GBF’s Target 7 which specifically focuses on reducing pollution to levels that are not harmful to biodiversity.

Target 7 specifies on ‘reducing pollution risks and the negative impact of pollution from all sources, by 2030, to levels that are not harmful to biodiversity and ecosystem functions and services, considering its cumulative effects’.

It further seeks in ‘reducing excess nutrients lost to the environment by at least half including through more efficient nutrient cycling and use; reducing the overall risk from pesticides and highly hazardous chemicals by at least half including through integrated pest management, based on science, taking into account food security and livelihoods; and also preventing, reducing, and working towards eliminating plastic’.

In a nutshell, achieving these targets might be a herculean task for the marginalized fishing community of Loktak Lake, whereas, the zeal to contribute their mite in the smallest possible ways is there for all to see, visible through their continuous activities in their own humble way.

This is where the state and central authorities can step in to aid the Loktak fishers in their march forward – a tiny step taken yet meaningful in saving, protecting and conserving one of India’s most significant inland freshwater lakes – and, that too, a Ramsar site of international importance.

 

The post Loktak Fishers Strive to achieve GBF Targets first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/loktak-fishers-strive-to-achieve-gbf-targets/

From Participation to Leadership: Structural Challenges for Women in Science

An assessment of representation, retention and policy frameworks in Northeast India in the context of the International Day of Women and Girls in Science. By Dr. Rameshori Yumnam On 11 February 2026, the world observes the International Day of Women and Girls in Science, a global initiative led by UNESCO and UN Women to promote […]

The post From Participation to Leadership: Structural Challenges for Women in Science first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

An assessment of representation, retention and policy frameworks in Northeast India in the context of the International Day of Women and Girls in Science.

By Dr. Rameshori Yumnam

On 11 February 2026, the world observes the International Day of Women and Girls in Science, a global initiative led by UNESCO and UN Women to promote full and equal participation of women in science and technology. This day is not merely symbolic, it is a reminder that inclusion in science must extend beyond classrooms into leadership, recognition and sustained opportunity. In Northeast India, enrollment of girls in education is often higher than that of boys. Many young women actively choose science streams, pursue postgraduate studies and complete doctoral research in significant numbers. The region does not lack talent or academic excellence. What it often lacks is continuity, visibility, structural support and proportional recognition.

A telling example appears in Lilavati’s Daughters: The Women Scientists of India, a landmark collection highlighting Indian women scientists. From the entire Northeast region, only one scientist, Prof. Joyanti Chutia of Assam, a distinguished theoretical physicist, is prominently represented. While her achievements are deeply inspiring, the limited representation from a region rich in intellectual potential reflects a broader challenge: visibility and recognition remain uneven.

Gender inequality in science is not new. Even in the early twentieth century, women pursuing scientific careers faced significant barriers. Mileva Mari?, Albert Einstein’s first wife, was a trained physicist and mathematician who studied alongside Einstein at the Swiss Federal Polytechnic in Zurich. She was the only woman in her cohort and studied in the same physics–mathematics program as Einstein. Their surviving letters show that they discussed physics problems together during their student years. However, historians remain divided on the extent of her contribution to Einstein’s early work. There is no definitive documentary evidence proving that she co-authored or formally contributed to the 1905 papers (including the theory of relativity). Most scholars agree that while she was intellectually capable and deeply engaged in physics discussions, the published work was solely credited to Einstein, whose scientific aspirations were curtailed by personal circumstances and societal expectations. Her story reflects a broader historical pattern in which women’s scientific identities were often overshadowed or under-recognized.

Yet history also offers powerful examples of women who broke barriers. Marie Curie remains one of the most inspiring figures in science. She was the first woman to win a Nobel Prize and remains the only person to have won Nobel Prizes in two different scientific fields: Physics and Chemistry. Her legacy extended beyond her own achievements: her daughter, Irène Joliot-Curie, also went on to win a Nobel Prize. In a scientific world dominated by men, Marie Curie’s perseverance, brilliance and dedication earned her global recognition, often described as “Scientist of the Millenium”. Her story demonstrates that when given opportunity and support, women not only contribute to science, they redefine it. The contrast between invisibility and recognition underscores an important truth: talent exists everywhere, but acknowledgment does not.

In Northeast India, many women pursue advanced research, yet after doctoral studies, they often face social expectations surrounding marriage, family responsibilities, relocation challenges, limited infrastructure and fewer leadership pathways. Entry into science has improved dramatically, but retention, incentives and representation at high-level decision-making platforms remains a concern. Scientific advisory boards, funding committees, research councils, university leadership positions and policy-making bodies must reflect both gender and regional diversity. Women must not only participate in science, they must shape its direction.

There is a pressing need for region-oriented policies that respond to the unique realities of the Northeast. Such policies must focus on strengthening advanced research infrastructure within the region so that talented scholars do not have to migrate elsewhere to pursue quality scientific work. Targeted fellowships, research grants and financial incentives specifically designed for women scientists are essential to sustain their careers and encourage long-term engagement in research. Equally important is promoting greater visibility through awards, leadership opportunities and meaningful media recognition that highlights regional scientific achievements. Establishing strong mentorship networks and regional innovation platforms can provide guidance, collaboration and professional continuity. Above all, ensuring women’s representation in high-level scientific decision-making bodies is crucial so that policy directions, funding priorities and institutional strategies reflect inclusive and regionally relevant perspectives.

On the International Day of Women and Girls in Science 2026 observed yesterday, the conversation needed to move beyond mere enrollment statistics. The Northeast already has capable, qualified and deeply committed women scientists. What was, and continues to be, essential is the creation of an enabling ecosystem one that actively supports, recognizes, and elevates them into meaningful leadership roles. Science thrives on diversity of thought. But diversity must also be visible, valued and empowered. Recognition fuels aspiration, incentives sustain commitment, and representation transforms systems, these are not optional ideals but essential requirements for building an equitable and progressive scientific community.

When we create more Joyanti Chutias, when we support more Mileva Mari?s to complete their journeys and when we encourage the next generation of Marie Curies from every region, we do more than promote equality, we strengthen the very foundation of scientific progress.

(The author is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Zoology, Manipur University. She can be reached at rameshori.yumnam@gmail.com.)

The post From Participation to Leadership: Structural Challenges for Women in Science first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/from-participation-to-leadership-structural-challenges-for-women-in-science/

The Plague of Introduced Species

How cane toads, paragrass, carp and hyacinth became ecological disruptors in Australia and Manipur. By Salam Rajesh Earlier this month, Jennifer Geer writing for A-Z Animal.com, provided a descriptive narrative of how an imported and introduced toad species from Hawaii by the Australian Government ultimately became the proverbial Frankenstein in the making. In 1935, Queensland […]

The post The Plague of Introduced Species first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

How cane toads, paragrass, carp and hyacinth became ecological disruptors in Australia and Manipur.

By Salam Rajesh

Earlier this month, Jennifer Geer writing for A-Z Animal.com, provided a descriptive narrative of how an imported and introduced toad species from Hawaii by the Australian Government ultimately became the proverbial Frankenstein in the making.

In 1935, Queensland in Australia faced a major crisis in its sugar cane crop production after a native beetle species, Greyback Cane Beetle (Dermolepida albohirtum), commenced wreaking havoc on the sugarcane plants.

The beetle larvae lived in the soil and chewed on sugarcane roots, stunting growth or killing the plants. This incurred major economic losses for the sugarcane farmers. There was a need to find a solution fast enough to prevent further losses.

Seeking a natural solution to kill the grubs, the Australian government imported Cane Toads (Rhinella marina) from Hawaii, with the hope that the toads would eat the grubs and save the sugarcane.

Unfortunately enough, as history proved, the worst-case scenario occurred. The toads did not keep the beetle populations in check. Instead, they became one of Australia’s most destructive (alien) invasive species and an ecological disaster, writes Geer. Today, the toads are considered invasive species in Australia, the Caribbean Islands, Hawaii, and Florida.

Cane Toad.

In August 1935, the BSES (Queensland Bureau of Sugar Experiment Stations) released 2400 cane toads into sugarcane plantations in Gordonvale, North Queensland. By 1950, the Australian government declared the cane toad an invasive predator.

Dangers from the toads included poisoning animals that prey on them, outcompeting native species for resources, and their voracious appetites. Geer writes that 75 species of Australian crocodiles, lizards, and freshwater turtles were threatened by the toads.

Some of the animals that are in danger of dying after they eat a cane toad include the Australian monitor lizards, quolls, tiger snakes, and freshwater crocodiles. Many of these animals are designated as threatened species in the country.

This story fairly well finds reflection in India, too, with stories of introduced species ultimately becoming monsters in disguise. Like most States in the country, Manipur too is not an exception to such stories of disasters.

In the mid 1970s, the State’s veterinary department reportedly introduced Paragrass (Brachiaria mutica) as fodder for milch cows that, too, were imported from Haryana. It was reported that the cows were housed in a mechanized cattle farm in the Iroishemba area in Imphal West District.

The remains of the feed, that is, the undigested or the uneaten parts of the paragrass soon found their way to the riverbank of Nambul River via its feeder rivulets, either as cow excreta or intentionally dumped as waste. Today, paragrass is one of the major nuisance semi-aquatic plants in most water bodies within the Manipur River basin.

Paragrass (Napi tujombi in the vernacular) is a major headache for Loktak Lake (a Ramsar site) managers as this fast spreading grass had virtually spread its tentacles across the peripheral shoreline, crowded over the floating biomass Phumdi, and literally had become the major reason for depletion of native plants, in particular the edible aquatic, semi-aquatic and semi-terrestrial species of food and medicinal values.

Paragrass in Loktak wetland.

The story of the notorious cane toads of Australia indeed finds a parallel with the notorious paragrass in Manipur, well defined amongst the floating biomass of Loktak Lake. The one is a story of an animal (an amphibian) and the other is of a plant (a grass). Amazing comparison at the best!

It may be recalled here that Target 6 of the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) re-emphasizes the elimination, minimization, reduction or the mitigation of impacts of Invasive Alien Species (IAS) of plants and animals on the biodiversity and ecosystems across the seven continents.

The GBF’s Target 6 specifically seeks the prevention of the introduction and establishment of priority invasive alien species, reducing the rates of introduction and establishment of other known, or potential, IAS plants and animals by at least 50 percent by the target year 2030.

For the Asia and the Pacific CBD Regional Group, 37 member countries including India have set at least one national target to be achieved by year 2030.

On this end, the National Biodiversity Authority of India (NBA) in 2022 had framed lists of invasive alien species of plants and animals under its Inland Invasive Alien Species of Fishes of India that are of priority for control, reduction and elimination throughout the country by year 2030.

Top on the list of the Inland Invasive Alien Species of Fishes of India according to the NBA is one of the commonest cultured fishes in the country, and in Manipur too, and that is, the Common Carp (Eurasian or European carp, Cyprinus carpio; Puklaobi in the vernacular).

The Common Carp was introduced in Manipur way back in 1964 according to fish expert Professor Waikhom Vishwanath. Interestingly, in India the fish was first introduced in Cuttack in 1939, and in Bangkok in 1957. The fish’s native range covers rivers in Europe and in Asia.

The fish Mozambique tilapia (Oreochromis mossambicus; Tunghanbi in the vernacular) a species originating from East Africa and introduced in India in 1952, finds itself second in the priority list of invasive alien species of fishes to be either controlled or eradicated entirely in India by the target year 2030.

Two very commonly seen aquatic plants in Manipur, namely, Pontederia crassipes (Eichhornia crassipes/Water hyacinth; Kabo-kang) and Alligator weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides; Kabo-napi) find themselves listed on the top of the priority IAS plants to be either controlled or eradicated completely by 2030.

The proliferation of Pontederia crassipes in large number across the water body of a wetland endangers it as excessive growth of the plant ‘inhibits the growth of fish and other aquatic organisms due to cut down of light and lack of oxygen’ according to experts.

In fact, at one point of time the plant was known as the ‘Terror of Bengal’ because of its rapid growth and domination across most water bodies in that State, rapidly affecting the fisheries and impacting rural economy drastically.

The Dehradun-based Wildlife Institute of India (WII) at one point of time had noted that ‘the gregarious growth of weeds like Brachiaria mutica and Alternanthera philoxeroides unless controlled, may pose a great threat to the biodiversity of the Keibul Lamjao National Park – habitat of the highly threatened Manipur Brow-antlered Deer’.

Defining Invasive Alien Species, Costello et al. (2022) says, “Alien species are organisms which are introduced to regions in which they would not be found naturally, as a result of unintentional or deliberate human action”.

“In the majority of cases, alien species are unable to survive in their new environment without human support. However, a small proportion will manage to adapt to their new surroundings and establish populations in the wild. Some of these alien species have negative impacts on the environment, for example predation or competition for resources with native animals or plants”.

 

The post The Plague of Introduced Species first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/the-plague-of-introduced-species/

When Wetlands Beckon

In climate change dialogues, the significance of wetlands as carbon sinks has multiplied manifold, increasingly with new findings on how much of carbon wetlands can sequester, besides the knowledge on green forests serving as important carbon sinks that absorb excess carbon in the atmosphere to help in climate change mitigation. By Salam Rajesh As in […]

The post When Wetlands Beckon first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

In climate change dialogues, the significance of wetlands as carbon sinks has multiplied manifold, increasingly with new findings on how much of carbon wetlands can sequester, besides the knowledge on green forests serving as important carbon sinks that absorb excess carbon in the atmosphere to help in climate change mitigation.

By Salam Rajesh

As in the preceding years, the world community observed with solemnity the pledges to save, protect and conserve wetlands on the occasion of the annual World Wetlands Day ritual of social and environmental commitments, howsoever the mission appear far more than practicable to put words on ‘wetlands conservation’ in actuality.

The second day of February every year is dedicated to wetlands as a continued process of the global effort in raising awareness and commitments to saving much of the world’s fast disappearing water bodies of value to humans, wildlife and to nature itself.

An assessment by Hu et al. (2017, as quoted in Anisha, N.F., Mauroner, A., Lovett, G., Neher, A., Servos, M., Minayeva, T., Schutten, H. & Minelli, L. (2020). Locking Carbon in Wetlands: Enhancing Climate Action by Including Wetlands in NDCs. Corvallis, Oregon and Wageningen, The Netherlands: Alliance for Global Water Adaptation and Wetlands International) indicated that the area of wetland loss across the seven continents through the year 2009 and up to present times is considerably large.

Asia continent led the world in wetland area loss by a massive size of 2,646,100 sq km, followed by South America at a close second with a loss of 2,521,900 sq km. Europe figured with a considerably large loss of 972,200 sq km while North America lost 457,100 sq km, Africa 453,500 sq km and Oceania 181,600 sq km respectively.

This massive loss when counted in their totality can be seen to influence negative impacts on the living world, where even the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources) says that currently near around 47,000 species of animals and plants globally are on the verge of extinction from various reasons including negative anthropogenic influences.

Why would then people in general worry for wetlands dying and disappearing ultimately? The reasons are not far to seek, if people do reconsider the numerous ecosystem services rendered by wetlands in their totality.

For instance, wetlands have strong links to ancient traditions, cultures, spiritual values and religious values that establish socio-cultural links of people to their roots, in particular for wetland dependent or wetland-thriving communities. Manipur has a link in the legacy of the Khamba-Thoibi legends.

While it is generally accepted that wetlands supply food through natural resources such as fish and edible aquatic plants and insects, and through agricultural practices in wetland areas, these water bodies play an important role in climate change resilience and carbon storage. They assist in the regulation of greenhouse gases, temperature, precipitation and other climatic processes.

In climate change dialogues, the significance of wetlands as carbon sinks has multiplied manifold, increasingly with new findings on how much of carbon wetlands can sequester, besides the knowledge on green forests serving as important carbon sinks that absorb excess carbon in the atmosphere to help in climate change mitigation.

Compared to tropical rainforests which were thought of to be the best carbon sinks in the natural world, new findings in this aspect throws light on how wetlands can absorb carbon many times more than tropical forests.

For instance, compared to tropical forests storing 200 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in soil, peatlands can store a massive 4700 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in soil. That is a difference by a huge margin.

Similarly, mangroves can store up to 2839 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in soil, seagrass 500 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in soil, and salt marsh up to 917 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in soil, which definitely is quite significant in global discussions on carbon sequestration to meet the deadline on limiting global temperature rise to 1.5 degree Celsius by year 2050.

Tropical forests are estimated to store up to 600 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in their biomass, whereas, in the same measure mangroves are estimated to store as much as 928 tons of carbon dioxide per hectare in their biomass, which accounts for the global thrust on restoring and regenerating mangroves across most coastal belts around the world.

Wetlands play a major role in assisting with the storage and retention of water which helps flow regulation and provides flood and drought protection, and at the same time, wetlands assist in soil formation through sediment retention and accumulation of organic matter.

These, and much more, are the functional properties of wetlands in general, other than these water bodies providing leisure and fun for people seeking respite from the everyday grinding in life.

As in the preceding years, Manipur was not far behind other communities across the globe in observing the day with fervor and solemnity, urging local communities and the State to devout more time and energy in the larger objective of saving whether water bodies of value are left in the wild within the State.

The State’s Directorate of Environment and Climate Change along with other line departments hosted the day at Yaralpat wetland site in Imphal East District, extolling the importance of wetlands to achieve various ecosystem services including groundwater recharge, fisheries and livelihoods, while providing refuge for wildlife such as the wintering migratory water birds.

The day was also observed widely across the State at academic and civil society platforms, individually and with support from the Directorate.

Of significant contribution to the day was the pre-World Wetlands Day 2026 observation on Sunday, 01 February, where the fishing community residing at Champu Khangpok Floating Island Village within Loktak Lake staged a cleanup drive to clear plastics and other domestic wastes along Yangoi Turel Achouba (Nambul River) and its flow up to Birahari Pat within the lake, demonstrating the local community’s responsibility in lake conservation.

Rounding up, it can be well said that a partnership, and workable, model between wetland-dependent local communities and the responsible state agencies can go a long way in shaping the future of wetlands in Manipur, and elsewhere.

The post When Wetlands Beckon first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/when-wetlands-beckon/

Where Is My Pat? A Reflection on Lamphelpat, Memory, and Misguided Development

Due to excessive excavation, Lamphelpat’s depth has reportedly reached around 8-10 metres. Such unscientific deepening directly violates basic wetland management principles. It raises a critical question: is Lamphelpat still a natural wetland, or has it been turned into an artificial water reservoir? By Maxstone Irom This article is born out of worry, longing, and deep […]

The post Where Is My Pat? A Reflection on Lamphelpat, Memory, and Misguided Development first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Due to excessive excavation, Lamphelpat’s depth has reportedly reached around 8-10 metres. Such unscientific deepening directly violates basic wetland management principles. It raises a critical question: is Lamphelpat still a natural wetland, or has it been turned into an artificial water reservoir?

By Maxstone Irom

This article is born out of worry, longing, and deep nostalgia of my childhood days around Lamphelpat. I grew up with this wetland as part of my everyday life. It was not just a landscape, it was a living space where memories were created, relationships were built, and nature quietly shaped who I am today. For me, Lamphelpat was never just water and land.

On February 2 2026, as part of World Wetlands Day, Go Green Group Manipur, a youth collective, initiated a reflection and listening circle called Pat Ki Wari. The idea was simple yet powerful: to reconnect with our wetlands and revisit the memories and meanings attached to them. As part of this initiative, we walked around Lamphelpat, observed its present condition, and shared stories rooted in our personal journeys. While much has changed, the place still holds immense emotional and cultural significance in my life.

Lamphelpat is one of my core memories. It is where I experienced my first boat ride. Every Sunday morning, I would go for a walk with my family to watch Urok (Threskiornis melanocephalus)and other birds, returning home with a bunch of thambal (lotus). During the monsoon, when the pat would flood, I accompanied my father to buy fresh fish. In winter, we went fishing together. Those mornings, with muddy slippers, small fishes in my hands, and my father’s quiet smile beside me, felt richer than anything money could buy. These were not extraordinary moments; they were ordinary days made meaningful by nature.

As I age, Lamphelpat continued to shape my life. During my teenage years, it became my refuge. Whenever I felt overwhelmed, confused, or restless, I would sit by the water for hours, finding peace in silence. With friends, I watched sunsets near the RIMS side of the pat, clicking countless photographs that still remind me of simpler times. Lamphelpat is not just a place; it is a place that raised me, comforted me, and quietly taught me how to breathe in difficult times. But today, I find myself asking: where is my pat?

After nearly three years, I was shocked when I returned. It no longer looked like the wetland I grew up with. Under the so called “Lamphelpat water body Rejuvenation Project,” implemented by the Water Resources Department and funded by the New Development Bank, large portions of the wetland have been dug up. The excavated silt has been piled into artificial hills, permanently altering the natural landscape. What was once a living ecosystem now resembles a construction site.

As an environmental science student, this transformation raises serious concerns. According to the Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017, the depth of a wetland should not exceed 6 meters. However, due to excessive excavation, Lamphelpat’s depth has reportedly reached around 8-10 metres. Such unscientific deepening directly violates basic wetland management principles. It raises a critical question: is Lamphelpat still a natural wetland, or has it been turned into an artificial water reservoir?

This seemingly unscientific dredging has also destabilized the surrounding infrastructure. Roads connecting important institutions such as Shija Hospital and the National Institute of Technology have started sinking. To address this, an overbridge had to be constructed, an expensive solution to a problem that could have been avoided with proper planning.

Lamphelpat is also home to Manipur’s famous indigenous pony. The swampy terrain once provided a safe and natural space for grazing and movement. Today, however, due to altered water levels, deep excavated pits, and unstable ground, several ponies have reportedly died after falling into these areas. What was once a natural playground and shelter has now been turned into a death trap created by human negligence and poor planning.

A report on East Mojo has also suggested that parts of nearby villages experienced flooding after the project’s implementation. When a wetland’s natural water-holding and drainage capacity is disrupted, such consequences are inevitable. Instead of reducing disaster risks, this project appears to have increased them.

Equally worrying is the rapid growth of concrete structures around Lamphelpat. Buildings are coming up in every direction, slowly replacing this wetland. In recent years, several new government buildings, hospitals, and offices have also been constructed within and around parts of the wetland. This has led to encroachment and fragmentation of Lamphelpat.. This severely disrupts water flow, wildlife movement, and ecological balance. This unchecked unplanned urbanization further weakens the wetland’s ecological function and isolates it from its natural surroundings. A wetland cannot survive when it is slowly suffocated by cement and divided by unplanned construction.

 

Overbridge construction in progress at Lamphelpat

 

Under the Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017, wetlands are meant to be protected from unscientific alteration, encroachment, and ecological degradation. The Manipur State Wetland Authority is responsible for ensuring protection of all the wetland in the state.

Yet, in the case of Lamphelpat, there is little public evidence of strict monitoring, transparent assessment, or community consultation. This reflects a serious failure of governance and accountability.

Let me be clear: development and rejuvenation are necessary. Wetlands do require restoration, maintenance, and protection. But development without ecological understanding is destruction in disguise. True rejuvenation should strengthen a wetland’s natural character, not erase it.

Till today, no comprehensive environmental impact assessment of this project has been made publicly accessible. There is no clear record of meaningful consultation with local communities, ecologists, traditional users, or independent researchers. This lack of transparency raises serious doubts about the legitimacy of the entire project.

Lamphelpat did not need to be dug. It needed protection from encroachment, pollution, and unplanned construction. It needed proper waste management, biodiversity conservation, and community participation. Instead, it received heavy machinery and cosmetic “development” that prioritised appearance over ecology.

What hurts the most is not just the physical transformation, but the emotional loss. A space that once nurtured childhoods, livelihoods, culture, and biodiversity is slowly being stripped of its soul. When a wetland dies, a part of our collective memory dies with it. For many of us, Lamphelpat is not a project site. It is memory, identity, and heritage.

If we truly care about sustainable development, then projects like this must be fundamentally rethought. Policies must respect science, local knowledge, and lived experiences. Youth voices, indigenous knowledge, and environmental expertise should be central, not optional.

This reflection is not just an expression of nostalgia. It is a call to action for authorities to answer, for institutions to take responsibility, and for citizens to demand better. We still have time to correct our mistakes. We still have time to restore Lamphelpat with wisdom, sensitivity, and accountability.

If we cannot save Lamphelpat, a wetland that raised generations of us, what hope do we have of
saving anything at all?

 

 

(Maxstone Irom is a writer and poet from Manipur, India, known for his published works in local newspapers and online platforms, often focusing on the social and political issues of his home state.)

 

The post Where Is My Pat? A Reflection on Lamphelpat, Memory, and Misguided Development first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/where-is-my-pat-a-reflection-on-lamphelpat-memory-and-misguided-development/

Demand for ST status, Chinks in Biren’s armour and Army vs Police

The BJP in Manipur had gathered more MLAs belonging to other parties to join ranks with them either by joining the party or lending support to the extent that the treasury bench today has 55 members sitting in it against the five in the opposition belonging to the Congress and as such the threat is […]

The post Demand for ST status, Chinks in Biren’s armour and Army vs Police first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

The BJP in Manipur had gathered more MLAs belonging to other parties to join ranks with them either by joining the party or lending support to the extent that the treasury bench today has 55 members sitting in it against the five in the opposition belonging to the Congress and as such the threat is not real.

By Yambem Laba

The movement for inclusion of the Meetei Tribe in the Scheduled List of tribes of India got a major fillip when the Manipur High Court gave a directive to the Manipur state government to give a response to the query from the Centre pending since 2013. The reply is to be given in one month’s time. The directive came after a petition by the Meetei Tribes Union, Manipur. It might be recalled that the Ministry of Tribal Affairs of the Government of India had sought the recommendation of the Manipur state government to enlist the Meitei in the ST List on 29 May 2013. In that letter, the Union Tribal Ministry had sought a report on the ethnographic and socio-economic survey of the Meitieis but had sat on it.

The Scheduled Demand Committee Manipur (STDCM), who had been in the forefront of the movement for the last 20 years or so, had welcomed the High Court’s directive which was arrived at by a single bench of the Manipur High Court of Acting Chief Justice M V Muralidharan. The STDCM had also garnered signatures of almost all the MLAs of the valley where the Meiteis reside. A Writ of Mandamus was filed by Mutum Churamani, secretary of the Meitei Tribes Union and seven others of the Union against the state of Manipur.

According to the petition, it was asserted that the Census carried by the Government of India since 2011 had been classifying Meeteis as a Tribe of the State and it was thus till Manipur’s merger with the Indian Union on 21 September 1949. Ajoy Pebam, the counsel for the petitioners, argued that the Meeteis lost the tribal tag after signing the Merger Agreement in 1949 and restoration of the status is imperative to preserve the ancestral land, traditions and culture. Various documentary references were annexed to the petition asserting that the Meeteis are still a tribe as per Articles 342(1) and 366(19), and 230(25) of the Indian Constitution and unfortunately, the Meeteis were left out while preparing the ST list under Article 342 of the Constitution, he added. He also added that the Chongthu, Khoibu and Mate tribes were classified as Scheduled Tribes of the Union as per an order of the Gauhati High Court dated 26 May 2003.

Appearing on behalf of the Government of India, the Deputy Solicitor General of India also conceded that the Meeteis lost their tribal status after the state’s merger with the Indian Union. The Court also observed that the Meitei Tribe Union had also submitted a representation to the Union Minister of Tribal Affairs on 18 April 2022 to include the Meeteis in the ST list and the Ministry had forwarded the same to Chief Secretary and again it was swept under the carpet. At this juncture, the counsel for the petitioners asserted that the continued silence of the successive state governments were tantamount to violation of the Right to Equality and Right to Life with Dignity which are enshrined under Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution of India.

The Court also observed that the state had not given any satisfactory explanation for not submitting the recommendations which the Centre has been seeking for the last 10 years.

Apart from the STDCM and the Meitei Tribe Union, the World Meitei Council and the Kangleipak Kanba Lup (KKL) had been vociferously demanding for the inclusion of the Meeteis in the ST List. The KKL had gone one step further and asked Union Home Minister Amit Shah to decide on the ST Status of the Meeteis before signing the final accord with the rebel Nagas viz the NSCN(I-M) and others.

It should also be on record that whilst the Constitution was being prepared, the then Constituent Assembly of India had deputed the late Gopinath Bordoloi of Assam and Stanley Nicholas Roy of the then Khasi and Jaintia Hills (now Meghalaya) to Manipur to seek the views of the Meeteis on the question of being included in the ST list. They, however, did not meet the public, but had just met three personalities, two Meitei Brahmins amongst them. They were Dwijamani Dev Sharma, Krishna Mohan Singh and another one, who were fanatical Hindus. They asserted that the Hindus, who are the descendants of the Aryans, be classified as Tribals. This is how the Meeteis had missed the bus in 1950 when India adopted the Constitution.

However, it needs to be pointed out that the then RK Ranbir government in 1991 had imposed prohibition in Manipur following a ban on sale of liquor in Manipur by the proscribed People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of Manipur. Likewise, the reluctance of the successive governments of Manipur, beginning from 2013 till now, must have been reluctant to forward the recommendation of the inclusion of the Meeteis in the ST list because of the opposition of the outlawed and oldest insurgent group in Manipur, the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), had been against the idea of the Meeteis being classified as a Scheduled Tribe. They first launched their tirade through their Students and Civil Society Organisations who are their fronts in the public.

Five years ago, I was summoned to the CHQ of the UNLF in Myanmar as I had been quite vocal and had written in favour of the demand of the STDCM. I was asked to explain my position on it. When asked as to whether they had openly declared their stance against it, the reply was “No”. Then the issue was settled – if one can assume that statements issued by their fronts can be assumed to be that of the UNLF. Then my interrogators remained silent. Two years later, the UNLF in their annual statement announced the UNLF’s stance against the demand of the Meeties of being classified as a Scheduled Tribe as it negates the existence of Manipur, particularly the Meeteis’ 2000 years of existence as a nation state and civilisation. The suzerainty of the Meitei Kings had once upon a time spanned from the banks of the Chindwin in Myanmar to that of the Surma in present day Bangladesh. But after joining India, the Meeteis are now confined to a mere 9 per cent of the state’s total geographical area. Their future is bleak as they cannot settle down in the remaining 90 per cent of the state’s area which are scheduled tribal lands belonging to the various scheduled tribes of Manipur while the reverse is not true. However, the question is, if the Biren Government is not afraid to defy the PLAs diktat of prohibition and had recently lifted prohibition from Manipur, why it is afraid to stand against the UNLF stance against the ST tag for the Meeteis. But now with the directive from the High Court, the reply might be coming shortly.

CHINKS IN CM BIREN’S ARMOUR

While pondering over the High Court’s directive, the Biren Ministry received a jolt. It began with former minister and now MLA from the Heirok Assembly Constituency and Advisor to the Chief Minister Th Radheshyam resigning from his post, citing lack of any responsibility being given to him. He said he did not know how to answer the questions raised by his supporters when they urged him to take up an issue with the CM. He also said that while the CM was talking about environmental protection, his own younger brother was allegedly involved in timber trade. His move was followed by former minister and MLA from Langthabal Assembly Constituency and Chairman of the Manipur Tourism Corporation Karam Shyam Singh, who also resigned from his post.

He also cited not being not only being given any responsibilities and power, and of being humiliated publicly on numerous occasions by the Chief Minister. Then the third to throw in his towel was Paonam Brojen from Wangjing Assembly Constituency and was holding the post of Chairman of the Manipur Development Society (MDS). He went public as to how the Chief Minister had dumped him after, upon his advice, his workers were made to engage in road constructions in his constituency. Then suddenly, he was informed that the work orders for the already constructed works had been cancelled. His workers, having expended about Rs 6 crore in the process, are now fuming and Brojen now says that he is not able to stay at his home as he cannot face his workers and give them an explanation.

According to sources, there are about 15 BJP MLAs reportedly camping in Delhi demanding the replacement of N Biren Singh as the Chief Minister. Although the BJP returned 32 in the House of 60 at the last hustings, only six MLAs out of the 32 when Biren Singh was elected as the leader of the BJP Legislative Party last year. BJP Big-wig Sambit Patra had orchestrated the drama and he had reportedly/allegedly asked Govindas Konthoujam, who had joined the BJP after having resigned as the President of the Congress in Manipur, on the eve of the elections last year to propose Biren Singh’s name as the leader. Then another tribal MLA seconded the proposal and he became Chief Minister.

The BJP on the other hand had gathered more MLAs belonging to other parties to join ranks with them either by joining the BJP or lending support to the extent that the treasury bench today has 55 members sitting in it against the five in the opposition belonging to the Congress and as such the threat is not real. But the fact remains that dissent within the Party has already surfaced against the Chief Minister and it is a point to be noted.

ARMY VERSUS POLICE

In the meantime, one Manipuri army officer Major Thokchom Bhagatjit Singh belonging to 2nd Madras Regiment had posted on social media remarks critical of Chief Minister N Biren Singh. His elders back home, aware of the sensitivity of CM Biren on social media posts, had advised him to delete his post. CM Biren had earlier slapped the National Security Act on numerous occasions for such posts criticising him or his government directly or indirectly. So the young Major deleted the post from the account which was opened under another name and he returned home on leave. That was when the Sekmai Police of the Imphal West District came and picked him upon intimation from the Cyber Crime unit of the Manipur Police. This arrest was made properly as an arrest memo was issued and an FIR registered and he was produced before the Magistrate 24 hours after he was taken into custody. This was on 13 April, earlier this month. Then on the same day, one Md. Aksar Ali, president of the BJP’s Minority Morcha, filed another complaint against the Major at the Porompat Police Station in Imphal East. He was again arrested, but this time no arrest memos were issued and no FIR was lodged, yet he was kept in the lockup for 18 hours. That was when the army stepped in and they came to the Porompat Police Station and told the police that they can arrest an army man on charges of rape, murder or culpable homicide not amounting to murder, and not for any charges including posts on social media. The police then made a hasty retreat. The officer may be facing a court of inquiry from his commanding officer but not from the police or civil court.

The CM apparently has an army of cyber warriors who will troll anyone posting against him or the government on social media. But this time it had bitten off more than it could chew, it seems.

(The writer is a senior journalist at The Statesman. This article was first published by The Statesman. All opinions expressed here are the writer’s own and do not represent the views of TFM)

The post Demand for ST status, Chinks in Biren’s armour and Army vs Police first appeared on The Frontier Manipur.

Read more / Original news source: https://thefrontiermanipur.com/demand-for-st-status-chinks-in-birens-armour-and-army-vs-police/